Naxal Resistance

This blog is a mirror site of

  • Archives

  • Recent Posts

  • Categories

  • Blog Stats

    • 88,234 hits
  • Top Posts

Archive for the ‘Books’ Category


Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 17, 2007

Telungu booklet: Salwajudam special

Salwa Judam a ‘New front of Hiden War’ The Inside story

Posted in Books | Leave a Comment »

30 years of Naxalbari

Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 17, 2007

We are reposting a booklet entitled “30 years of Naxalbari” Published by Revolutionary publications, Kolkotta, for archive of our blog


— An Epic of Heroic Struggle and Sacrifice


Heroic Martyrs of the turbulent Sixties

15th August 1947….. The Union Jack is lowered, the tri-colours unfurled. A hope is awakened. Independence, freedom and a better life is expected and promised by the new rulers. A great enthusiasm envelops the country. Time passes and so does Nehru, the first Prime minister of the country. Slogans of socialism, non-alignment of the Nehru era give way to Shastri’s Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan and then Indira Gandhi’s Garibi hatao. Now, twenty years have passed, a full two decades. The situation remains the same. The hopes are dashed, the expectations turn to frustration. The British are gone, but their capital remained, their laws remained, their colonial structures remained…. merely added was the parliamentary edifice. To British capital, was added American capital. While people continued to live in grinding poverty, the Tatas, Birlas of the country filled their coffers with enormous wealth. People’s cries for justice were as ruthlessly suppressed, as in the British Raj. The slogans of the rulers remained as mere slogans, the reality seemed different. The people were now searching, seeking something genuine, seeking real answers. The people’s frustrations was reflected in the results of the February 1967 general elections; when, for the first time, non-Congress governments were formed in eight states. And then in the spring of 1967, a new ray of hope, shattered the darkness engulfing the country. A fresh breeze from the East began to displace the stagnant, putrid air of the past twenty years. The veil of lies and deceit behind which our rulers took protection, was torn asunder. A clap of thunder struck the remote village of Naxalbari in North Bengal, and its reverberations shook the conscience of the entire country.

18th March, 1967…. The red flag is hoisted. The peasant convention of the Siliguri sub-division is in session, at Naxalbari. Five hundred delegates, some armed with bows and arrows, chalk out a new path for their future. Revolutionary leaders explain the bankruptcy of the CPI (M) and the peaceful path to change. The Chinese revolution is given as an example of how the poor can seize political power in a backward semi-feudal country. The convention ends with a call for the immediate seizure of land and the setting up of liberated base areas. The peasants prepare for launching their offensive against the landlords of the area..

The First Spark Towards a New Party Naxalbari-type Upsurge (1) Srikakulam

(2) Birbhum

(3) Debra-Gopiballavpur

(4) Mushahari

(5) Lakhimpur-Kheri Profile of a Leader

PART-2 : THE SETBACK The Government Onslaught Martyrdom of CM Movement Recedes Three Trends Emerge
PART-3 : INTROSPECTION A Self Critical Review The Importance of Mao Ze Dong Thought

PART-4 : REVOLUTION TAKES ROOT Bihar : (1) Maoist Communist Centre (2) CPI (ML) Party Unity Andhra Pradesh : (1) The Initial Regrouping

(2) Telangana Regional Conference

(3) A Cultural Resurgence

(4) The Student Movement

(5) Go To Village Campaign

(6) Resurgence of the Peasant Movement

(7) Civil Liberties Movement

(8) Formation of CPI (ML) (PW)

Guerilla Zone Perspective

Movement’s Extension

(1) Dandakaranya

(2) North Telangana

PART-6 : 1985-89 — FIRST ROUND OF SUPPRESSION War of Self Defence

Efforts to Maintain Mass Links

Party Consolidates and Retaliates

Peoples’ Movement Regains Initiative


PART-8 : 1991 TO 95….. SECOND ROUND OF SUPPRESSION Tasks in the New Conditions of Repression Struggles Continues Growing Armed Resistance PART-9 : POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS PART-10 : A GUERILLA ZONE IS BORN
Economic Gains

Political Authority of Peasant Committees

Social Transformation
PART-11 : PARTY — THE LEADING FACTOR Continuing the Legacy of Naxalbari PART-12 : INDIA’S BRIGHT FUTURE

The First Spark

Throughout 1966 itself the groundwork had been laid. In 1965/66 the ‘Siliguri Group’ [(of the newly formed CPI (M)] brought out as many as six cyclostyled leaflets calling for the immediate commencement of armed revolution. One of these leaflets gave a call to initiate partisan warfare in the Terai region within six months. Throughout 1966 revolutionaries organised peasant cells in every part of Siliguri sub-division; bow and arrows, and even a few rifles were gathered and liaison established with the Nepalese Maoists active just a few miles away. In late 1966 a Revolutionary Kisan meeting was organised in Siliguri. On March 3, 1967 the seeds of struggle began to sprout………. A group of peasants surrounded a plot of land in Naxalbari region; marking the boundaries with red flags, they began harvesting the crop.

Then….. the March 18 Convention was the signal for the peasant upsurge, which engulfed the entire area for four months. The U.F. government in West Bengal sought to diffuse the movement by announcing token land reforms. The revolutionary peasants replied to the revisionist rulers by setting up peasant committees to take over the land of the jotedars. Huge processions and demonstrations were organised by Kisan committee members, many of whom were armed with lathis, spears, bows and arrows. A sea of red flags struck terror into the hearts of the landlords and the countryside reverberated with the slogan “March forward along the path of armed peasant revolution.”

The first clash was ignited when a share-cropper, Bigul Kisan, was beaten by armed agents of a local jotedar. This was followed by violent clashes and the forcible seizure of land and confiscation of food grains, by armed units of the Kisan committee. Any resistance by the landlords and their gangs was smashed and a few killed. By end May the situation reached the level of an armed peasant uprising. The CPI (M) leaders, who were now in power, first tried to pacify the leaders of the movement……having failed, Jyoti Basu, the then home minister of West Bengal, ordered in the police. On 23rd May the peasantry retaliated killing an inspector at Jharugaon village. On May 25, in Naxalbari, the police went berserk killing nine women and children. In June the struggle intensified further, particularly in the areas of Naxalbari, Kharibari and Phansidewa. Firearms and ammunition were snatched from the jotedars by raiding their houses. People’s courts were established and judgments passed. The upheaval in the villages continued till July. The tea garden workers struck work a number of times in support of the peasants. Then on July 19, a large number of para-military forces were deployed in the region. In ruthless cordon and search operations, hundreds were beaten and over one thousand arrested. Some leaders like Jangal Santal were arrested, others like Charu Mazumdar went underground, yet others like Tribheni Kanu, Sobhan, Ali Gorkha Majhi and Tilka Majhi became martyrs. A few weeks later, Charu Mazumdar wrote “Hundreds of Naxalbaris are smoldering in India……. Naxalbari has not died and will never die.”

Naxalbari gets recognition

The Communist Party of China, then the centre for world revolution, hailed the uprising. On June 28, 1967 Radio Peking broadcast : “A phase of peasants’ armed struggle led by the revolutionaries of the Indian Communist Party has been set up in the countryside in Darjeeling district of West Bengal state of India. This is the front paw of the revolutionary armed struggle launched by the Indian people……”. Within a week, the July 5th edition of People’s Daily carried an article entitled ‘Spring Thunder over India’ which said : “A peal of spring thunder has crashed over the land of India. Revolutionary peasants in Darjeeling area have risen in rebellion. Under the leadership of a revolutionary group of the Indian Communist Party, a red area of rural revolutionary armed struggle has been established in India….. The Chinese people joyfully applaud this revolutionary storm of the Indian peasants in the Darjeeling area as do all the Marxist-Leninists and revolutionary people of the world.”

Meanwhile, revolutionaries in Calcutta, who had also been running a campaign against revisionism, took up a massive campaign in support of the Naxalbari uprising. The walls of college streets were plastered with posters saying : “Murderer Ajoy Mukherjee (the Chief minister) must resign.” The revolutionaries [still within the CPI (M)] held a meeting in Ram Mohan Library Hall in Calcutta and formed the ‘Naxalbari Peasants Struggle Aid Committee’, which was to become the nucleus of the Party of the future.

Simultaneous to the police action, the CPI (M) expelled a large number of their members. Sushital Roy Chowdhary, a member of the West Bengal state committee and editor of their Bengali party organ was expelled. So were other leading members like Ashim Chatterjee, Parimal Das Gupta, Asit Sen, Suniti Kumar Ghosh, Saroj Datta and Mahadev Mukherjee. The Darjeeling district committee and Siliguri sub-divisional committee were dissolved.

The spark of Naxalbari set aflame the fires of revolution in Srikakulam, Birbhum, Debra-Gopiballavpur, Mushahari and Lakhimpur-Kheri. The states of West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, U.P and Tamil Nadu saw a big spurt in Naxalbari-inspired struggles and Maoist formations sprouted in nearly every state of India.

The Naxalbari Path

Naxalbari put armed struggle onto the agenda of Indian revolution….. and since then, the Indian political scene has never remained the same. Naxalbari took place at a time when not only the Indian masses were getting disillusioned by the twenty years of fake independence, but, at a time when the entire world was in turmoil. Small countries like Vietnam, Laos and Kampuchea were striking major blows at the might of the U.S. Army; national liberation movements were surging forward in a number of underdeveloped countries; in Europe and America massive anti-imperialist demonstrations against US involvement in Vietnam merged with a violent outburst of the Black and women’s movement; the student-worker revolt in France shook the DeGaulle establishment; and, most important of all, in China, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (in the backdrop of the Great Debate) attacked the revisionist ossification and distortions of Marxism. In the Communist arena all Parties throughout the world were compelled to take positions in the Great Debate, between the CPC (Communist Party of China) and the CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union) which had been going on since Krushchev restored capitalism in the USSR in the late 1950s. Naxalbari was a product and a part of this ideological-political ferment taking place throughout the globe.

Most important, Naxalbari restored the revolutionary essence of Marxism on the Indian soil which had been distorted, corrupted and destroyed by the revisionist semantics of the CPI and the then nascent CPI (M). Naxalbari provided the answers both ideologically and practically.

ON THE QUESTION OF PROGRAMME it attacked the revisionist concepts of the CPI and CPM which saw India as basically a capitalist country with ‘feudal remnants’…….and clearly analysed India as a semi-feudal country. It also attacked the revisionist theory that the ruling bourgeoisie in India is basically national in character and that India achieved genuine independence in 1947…….. and clearly stated that the ruling bourgeoisie is comprador, Indian independence fake, and that India is a semi-colony. It outlined the stage of revolution as New Democratic, the enemies of revolution as imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucrat capitalism, while the friends of revolution being the workers, peasants, middle-classes and national bourgeoisie – with peasants as the main force and working class as the leading force.

ON THE QUESTION OF STRATEGY it opposed the path of ‘peaceful transition’ put forward by the CPI and CPM, and upheld the path of protracted people’s war. It clearly stated that the path to liberation lay in guerilla warfare, building a people’s army, creating liberated base areas in the countryside and gradually encircling and capturing the cities. It stated that the immediate goal was the establishment of a people’s democratic dictatorship (of the four classes) as the first step towards transition to socialism. The final goal was communism.

IN THE REALM OF TACTICS it rejected parliamentarism and called for the boycott of elections. It fought against economism, legalism and reformism in methods of work and organisation.

ON POLITICAL QUESTIONS it pin-pointed the two superpowers, US imperialism and Soviet Social imperialism, as the main enemies of the world people; it exposed the modern revisionists of the Soviet Union; it declared India as a multi-national country and supported the right of nationalities to self-determination including secession.

AND MOST IMPORTANT, IN THE REALM OF IDEOLOGY, it uncompromisingly fought against revisionism and all forms of bourgeois ideology within the working class movement and strongly upheld Marxism-Leninism-Mao ZeDong Thought as Marxism of the present day. Particularly, it established Mao’s thought as a development of Marxism-Leninism and undertook a big campaign to popularise it. This had a lasting impact, particularly on the student and youth of the country. Specifically, inspired by the on-going Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China, it responded enthusiastically to Mao’s clarion call “It is right to rebel against reaction.” It thoroughly imbued the spirit of the GPCR call to “Fight self-interest and repudiate revisionism”, by displaying a death-defying spirit of self-sacrifice, total devotion to the oppressed masses and a burning class hatred against the perpetrators of exploitation in the country. Thereby, it struck at the class-collaborationist approach of the revisionists and the pseudo-liberal approach of the intellectual Marxists and gained enormous affection from the poorest in our country.

Though later, come tactical errors and a massive offensive by the enemy led to a temporary setback, Naxalbari made an indelible impact on the revolutionary movement in the country.
Towards a New Party

While the Naxalbari movement was crushed, the politics and ideology behind the Naxalbari uprising spread throughout the country. The ‘Naxalbari Peasants Aid Committee’ (or ‘Naxalbari Krishak Sangram Sahayak Samiti’) held a conference which decided to form the ‘All India Coordination Committee of Revolutionaries of the CPI (M)’. On November 12, 13, 1967 communist revolutionaries from all over the country met and established the ‘All India Coordination Committee of Revolutionaries of the CPI (M)’ A provisional committee was formed to consolidate all revolutionaries and gradually form a revolutionary party.

The coordination committee undertook the task of propagating Marxism-Leninism-Mao ZeDong Thought; uniting all communist revolutionaries on this basis; waging an uncompromising struggle against revisionism; developing and coordinating the revolutionary struggles, specially peasant struggles of the Naxalbari type; and preparing a revolutionary programme and tactical line. In May 1968, at its second meeting held on the eve of the first anniversary of the Naxalbari uprising, the coordination committee was re-named as the ‘All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries’ (AICCCR) with Sushital Ray Chowdhary as its convenor.

Earlier, the communist revolutionaries decided to bring out a political paper to propagate the revolutionary line. The first issue of ‘Liberation’ was brought out on November 11, 1967 with Suniti Kumar Ghosh as its editor. ‘Deshabrati’ was brought out in Bengali. At its peak the circulation of ‘Liberation’ touched 2,500 and that of ‘Deshabrati’ 40, 000.

Meanwhile Naxalbari-type struggles spread like wild-fire throughout 1968, and the struggle in Srikakulam was growing into a major uprising. Under these conditions the AICCCR in its February 8, 1969 meeting adopted the resolution to form a Party. At the plenary session meeting of the AICCCR held between April 19 to 22, 1969 the final decision was taken and on the hundredth birth anniversary of Lenin the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) was founded. A coordination committee was formed to draft the Party constitution and prepare for the Party Congress. The Party’s formation was announced by Kanu Sanyal at a mammoth May Day rally held at the Calcutta maidan.

In the process of formation of the Party the Dakshin Desh group and the APCCCR (Andhra Pradesh Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries) did not join. The Dakshin Desh group felt that it was hasty to form the Party at that juncture and it also had differences with the method of formation of the Party, while the APCCCR had differences with the political line of CPI (ML). The Dakshin Desh Group went on to form the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) which is today, along with CPI (ML) Party Unity, spearheading the armed struggle in Bihar. The APCCCR continued with its right deviations, later splitting into two factions – the T.Nagireddy-D.V.Rao faction of the UCCCRI (ML), and, the C.P.Reddy faction which later merged with the revisionist Satyanarayan Singh faction of the CPI (ML) in 1975 only to split again into a number of factions.

By mid-1969 the government had moved in the para-military forces into all the struggle areas and a man-hunt was launched for the leaders of the CPI (ML). The movement went fully underground. In April 1970 the government raided the office and printing press of ‘Liberation’ and ‘Deshabrati’ which too continued from the underground. The government began its campaign of liquidating the communist revolutionaries.

On May 15, 16 1970 the Eighth Congress [in continuation of the 7th Congress held by the CPI (M)] of the CPI (ML) was held under conditions of utmost secrecy. The Congress was held on the first floor of a building in the railway colony in Garden Reach, Calcutta. On the ground floor were over fifty volunteers who had gathered to celebrate a mock wedding. Some, were family members of the delegates. The blaring loudspeaker helped drown the noise of the heated debates taking place above.

The Congress was attended by about 35 delegates from all over the country and elected a 21 member central committee representing comrades from West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, U.P, Tamilnadu, Orissa, Kashmir and Kerala with Com. Charu Mazumdar as general secretary. The nine-member politburo comprised Charu Mazumdar, Sushital Roy Chowdhary, Saroj Datta, Souren Bose (all West Bengal), Satyanarayan Singh (Bihar), Shiv Kumar Mishra (UP), Shroff (Kashmir), Appu (Tamilnadu) and the two seats allocated for A.P. were never filled.

The Prairie Fire

The cream of India’s youth and students joined, what came to be known as the Naxalbari movement. While the parliamentary politicians were busy playing the politics of power and amassing personal wealth, young revolutionaries were sacrificing everything-studies, wealth, families – to serve the oppressed masses of our country. Displaying a death-defying courage, withstanding enemy bullets and inhuman tortures, facing the their hardships of rural life, thousands of youth integrated with the landless and poor peasants and aroused them for revolution.

In Calcutta the university campuses were turning into hotbeds of revolutionary politics. During the 1967-70 period, the prestigious Presidency College and Hindu Hostel had become the nerve centre for Maoist politics. The Presidency College Students’ Consolidation emerged as an important force following their overwhelming victory in the student union elections in 1967/68. Throughout 1968 and 1969 the Maoist students wing – the Progressive Students Coordination Committee (PSCC) – captured almost all the student unions of the different institutions in and around Calcutta. The Post-Graduate students federation of Calcutta University under Maoist influence discovered the militant form of ‘Gherao’ by launching numerous such struggles against the university authorities in 1969. Later, at the call of the Party it was from these colleges that hundreds of students gave up their studies and integrated with the peasant masses. Many became martyrs in the brutal massacres of youth in 1970/71 in which thousands were killed in Calcutta.

In Andhra Pradesh it was the students of Guntur Medical College who were the first to come out in support of Naxalbari and form the Naxalbari Solidarity Committee. M. Venkataratnam and Premchand were the pioneers, translating articles from ‘Liberation’ into Telugu and distributing them amongst the communist rank and file. Chaganti Bhaskar Rao and Devineni Mallikarjunudu were the brilliant medical students who subsequently went to Srikakulam as guerilla fighters. Earlier Bhasker Rao, a gold medalist, had brought out a handwritten magazine, ‘Ranabheri’, to disseminate Peking Radio news and articles and propagate Naxalbari politics among students.

In Punjab, Bihar, UP, Tamilnadu, Kerala and even amongst the Campuses of Delhi and Bombay thousands of youth were attracted to Maoism and the politics of Naxalbari. Youth, with ideals, at last found a meaning to their lives after total disgust with the deceit, corruption, greed and unprincipled opportunism that pervaded parliamentary politics. Naxalbari symbolised to this youth a new future of justice, truth, equality, humanity and a self-respect for the downtrodden which the present society could never give . Fired with this missionary-like zeal they set out to exterminate the perpetrators of injustice, inhumanity , to eradicate the demons and ghosts who run this oppressive system, to remove the sting of the scorpions, snakes and other vile creatures who roam the corridors of power……. to execute the executioners. They sought to create a paradise on earth. They shared the on dreams of their leader, affectionately known as CM, to create a bright future where no person shall go hungry; where no one shall oppress another, where there shall be no discrimination based on caste, religion or sex; where a new socialist human being will be born in whom greed, selfishness, ego, competitiveness will be replaced by selflessness, modesty and cooperation, and where a concern for others will take precedence over concern for oneself. And it is these youth who, together with the more experienced leaders, marched forth to turn their dreams into reality, by building Naxalbari-type struggles in many parts of the country.

Naxalbari-type Upsurge

The period 1968 to 1967 saw the outbreak of struggles of landless and poor peasants that stormed the feudal bastions of the ruling classes.

(1) Srikakulam :

Charu Mazumdar once said that “Srikakulam is the Yenan of India.” Though that may have been an exaggeration, it was a landmark in the history of armed struggle in our country. This hilly, forested tribal belt in the North East of Andhra Pradesh was the beacon-light that blazed the revolutionary path for communists of Andhra Pradesh.

Two school teachers had built up a mass base amongst the tribals since the late 1950s. Vempatapu Sathyanarayana (popularly known as Sathyam) the legend of Srikakulam, together with Adibhatla Kailasam were finding the militancy of their struggle coming into direct conflict with the revisionist state leadership. Forcible harvest of crops, land occupations, growing clashes with the landlords were developing into armed clashes with the police. These two teachers were soon joined by the youth leader Panchadi Krishnamurthy. Added to this, the verse and song of Subbarao Panigrahi became the vehicle of revolutionary politics. With the growing repression, the people were disarmed and panic-stricken as the state leadership was unwilling to resist.

Then came the news of Naxalbari. Sathyam and others immediately embraced the politics of Naxalbari as in it they found the answers for which they were groping, and which the state leadership [of the then CPI (M) and later APCCCR] was unwilling to provide. The tribals were now welded into an irresistible force.

The spark was triggered on 31st October 1967 when two comrades – Koranna and Manganna-were shot dead by landlords at Levidi village while way to the Girijan Sangam Conference. In reaction the girijans rose in a big way against the landlords; seizure of landlords land, property and foodgrains spread from village to village with tribals moving in groups armed with traditional weapons. This continued for six months paralysing the local police forces. But in March 1968 the government sent in a massive posse of police. The people fought back, but were faced with defeat as they were not adequately trained in guerilla methods of warfare.

It was only after coming into contact with the AICCCR that a decision was taken for squad formation and a more systematic resistance. The guerilla squads now assisted the people in the seizure of landlords’ property and annihilation of class enemies. On 25th November 1968 the agenda of armed struggle was set, when 250 tribals raided a landlord’s house, took out a procession of the hoarded foodgrains and property worth Rs. 20, 000 and burnt hundreds of documents. On 20th December 1968 at Balleruguda village 200 police were surprised in a guerilla attack by 500 villagers using stones, bows and arrows and one country-made gun. The police fled; the villagers pursued, killing two constables and one circle inspector.

In 1969 the number of functioning squads increased and so did the actions. But, in October 1969 the government sent in 12, 000 CRPF and the battle raged on for nearly six months. Major guerilla actions took place in the upper Aviri area, on the Bothili hills and near Sanjuvai, Vegulavada and Ithamanugadda. By January 1970, 120 police had been killed. But, one by one, the leaders became martyrs. Sathyam, Adibhatla Kailasam, Panchadi Krishnamurthy, Panchadi Nirmala, Bhasker Rao and Subbarao Panigrahi became part of the folk-lore of the area.

(2) Birbhum :

‘Deshabrati’ drew a number of students and youth towards Naxalbari politics from the towns of Suri, Rampurhat, and Bolpur. Organisers from Calcutta and Siliguri went to Birbhum in 1968 to develop the revolutionary movement. After doing some rural surveys they began to organise the villagers on issues of wages and tenancy rights. Many youth joined the movement. The next year the landlords retaliated and evicted the peasants. A militant struggle was launched against the eviction. The struggle spread like wildfire and soon engulfed the whole area.

The party’s work had spread from Bolpur and Suri to Santhal Paraganas in the west. The first attack on a class enemy was made in Dubrajpur thana in 1969 and the annihilation campaign started from the beginning of 1970. Guerilla squads came into being and about 70 class enemies covering 20 thanas were eliminated. In some cases jotedars were punished following the people’s verdicts in people’s courts. The struggles also spread to the small and medium towns of the district, like Bolpur, Hetampur, Suri, Rampurhat and Nalhati, drawing in the youth and students. The squads also formed into larger units (then called the people’s army), eliminated many tyrants, destroyed documents, confiscated their property and distributed it amongst the people. They seized guns in the villages in nine thanas of Birbhum, three thanas of Murshidabad and three thanas of Santhal Paraganas. In all over 200 guns were snatched from the landlords and police. In some areas secret Revolutionary Peasant Committees were also established. But by mid 1971, besides big contingents of the police, the government moved in the CRPF and army. With the ‘Left’ line then prevailing, the movement could not face this combined onslaught and suffered a setback.

(3) Debra-Gopiballavpur :

Many revolutionary intellectuals from Calcutta settled in Gopi-ballavpur of Midnapur district in 1968. In September 1969 a guerilla squad attacked and annihilated an oppressive landlord which had an electrifying effect in the area. Landlords fled to the towns and in November 1969 a big peasant movement began which took up the forcible harvesting of landlords’ crops. In the midst of this movement a large number of guerilla squads were formed and in early 1971 launched an attack on a police camp of the Bihar Military Police – one policeman was killed and nine rifles seized.

In neighbouring Debra a strong movement had been built in 1967 by the local CPI (M) cadres. But as the movement became militant warrants were sent for the arrest of their own party men and Jyoti Basu clamped prohibitory orders in the area. Meanwhile, two popular leaders who had joined the Maoists, influenced by the Gopiballavpur struggles set up a central guerilla unit and a number of local guerilla units. In October 1969 thousands of armed peasants, supported by the guerilla squads attacked the house of a notorious jotedar, seized the hoarded grains, the mortgaged articles and brunt the documents. This was followed by ten more actions in quick succession……

(4) Mushahari :

Naxalbari attracted the bulk of the CPI (M) cadres of Muzaffarpur district towards the CPI (ML). By mid-1968 land struggles began…… peasants with arms in their hands openly harvested the landlord’s’ crops. By August the ‘seizure of crops’ campaign intensified with increased clashes with the landlords and police. The government sent in big police forces which resorted to assaulting and arresting villagers, burning their huts and plundering their property. The movement spread to seven thanas of the district with attacks continuing on class enemies. Towards the end of 1968 guerilla units were set up to face the police. The masses and guerilla units successfully repulsed the police in many places and continued their attacks on landlords……..

(5) Lakhimpur-Kheri :

The movement started in 11 villages in this Terai region of UP close to the Nepal border. Here landlords owned anything from 500 acres to 2000 acres with large goonda gangs. The peasants began their struggle for land in early 1968 and witnessed a big upheaval by June. Clashes between the peasants and goondas ensued with the peasants thrashing the goondas, confiscating landlord’s property and seizing arms. Police camps were established, the movement went underground and continued in the form of guerilla strikes. Many landlords fled the area………..

The spark of Naxalbari spread to most corners of the country. The epi-centre was West Bengal, with strong movements in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, Tamilnadu and there were flashes of Maoist resistance in nearly all the states of India stretching from Kerala in the South to Kashmir in the North, from Maharashtra in the West to Assam in the East. The movement threw up brilliant leaders like Sushital Roy Chowdhury, Saroj Datta etc but the chief ideologue and visionary was Charu Mazumdar.

Profile of a Leader

Charu Mazumdar, or more popularly known as CM, was born in a Zamindari family of Siliguri in 1918. As a school student he was influenced by the petty-bourgeois national revolutionaries and became a member of the All Bengal Students Association, affiliated to the Anusilan group. His father, a lawyer, was an active Congress freedom fighter and his mother was progressive for her times. In 1937-38 he dropped out of college and became a Congress worker organising bidi workers and others. After a few years he quit the Congress and joined the CPI, working in the peasant front. Primarily he worked amongst the Jalpaiguri peasantry and became a popular leader amongst them. When a warrant was issued for his arrest he went underground. At the outbreak of World War II the party was banned and he did secret organisational work amongst the peasantry and became a member of the CPI Jalpaiguri district committee in 1942. During the great famine of 1943, he organised the seizure of Crops in Jalpaiguri. In 1946 he participated in the Tebhaga movement and organised militant struggles of the peasants in North Bengal. This movement had a profound impact on him and shaped his vision on armed peasantry developing a revolutionary movement. Later he worked amongst the tea garden workers of Darjeeling district.

In 1948 the CPI was banned and he spent the next three years in jail. In January 1954 he married Lila Mazumdar Sengupta, a CPI cardholder from Jalpaiguri. They shifted to Siliguri, which remained the centre of his activity. His ailing father and unmarried sister lived there under severe financial constraints having lost their ancestral property. As the peasant movement receded he spent his efforts organising tea garden workers, rickshaw pullers, etc. After the Palghat Congress in 1956 his ideological differences with the party widened. Severe financial constraints added to his depressing conditions. But, the Great Debate, in the international communist movement lifted his spirits. During the Indo-China war he was again put in jail. Though he joined the CPI (M) in the split, he found the leadership dodging the key ideological questions. In 1964-65 he was sick and devoted time to studying and writing about communism and Mao’s thought. It was here that he developed his ideas which were recorded in his writings and speeches of 1965-67 – subsequently known as the ‘Historic Eight Documents’ — which formed the political-ideological basis for the emergence of the Naxalbari movement.

PART — 2


Dark Clouds gather……….

The Government Onslaught

Martyrdom of CM

Movement Recedes

Three Trends Emerge

Revolutions never proceed in a straight line. The history of all successful revolutions show this. The path is zig zag, there are ups and downs, there is victory and defeat repeated a number of times…..before final victory. Of course, there is no final victory until the stage of communism is reached. Even the gigantic success of the Russian and Chinese revolutions were followed by reverses three to four decades later… doubt these defeats will be followed by victories in the future.

Revolutions trace a tortuous course, there are no short-cuts, no easy paths. Setbacks are inevitable as they face a rapacious monster, but with greater experience of class struggle, a deeper understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Ze Dong Thought and a better grasp of the ground realities, the losses can be minimised.

Though the immediate cause for the setback was the ruthless repression unleashed by the government, the large losses came from certain short-comings on all the above three counts.

The Government Onslaught

It was during this period that the police introduced the method of ‘encounter’ killings. It is a method which sets aside even their own bourgeois norms. But then, their ‘democracy’ is only for those who accept their system while for those who question it, or challenge it, it is a cold, brutal fascist madness. During the Telangana uprising in 1950 the Nehru government murdered thousands of tribals and hung communists along the trees leading to the villages. The same Nehru treated the same ‘communists’ as his closest associates once they entered parliament just two years later. During those days, Nasser, while on a visit to India, exclaimed in shocked surprise at the freedom communists had, and chidingly told Nehru “we put all communists into prison.” Nehru smilingly replied “it is much the same, you keep them in prison, we in parliament – in both, they become harmless.”

Staged encounters became the norm in the 1970-71 period. Besides, revolutionaries were subjected to inhuman tortures. In all the struggle areas the police would pick up young men and women in the age-group 17 to 25, suspected to have links with the Maoist movement…. and subject them to brutal torture. The purpose of torture was not just to extract information, but to break their will, destroy their self-respect, so that they do not challenge the system and the established status quo. The roller treatment, hanging from the roof and being beaten, inserting hot iron rods into the rectum, electric shocks, burning with cigarette butts and many more savage methods were used against Maoist suspects. Of course, this never frightened the revolutionaries, but made their hatred against the system more intense. So, the ‘encounter’ killings.

In 1969-70 the government had pressed into service not only the reserve police forces, but also the para-military and even the army. By 1971 most of the Naxalbari-type uprisings had been cruelly crushed. Then the government turned its fury on the revolutionary youth of Calcutta. By 1970 urban guerilla struggles had reached unprecedented dimensions in the city, effecting students, workers, employees etc. The tremendous support they received frightened the ruling classes, and the large sections of the CPI (M) cadres, that switched alliance to the Maoists, created panic in the CPI (M) leadership.

In the 1971-72 period hundreds of youth of Calcutta were systematically shot dead by Congress-led vigilante squads. These killer squads were led by Congress leaders like Priya Ranjandas Munshi, and put into action according to a plan hatched by the Chief minister Siddarth Shankar Ray and police chief Ranjit Guha. For example, in August 1971 Congress hoodlums joined hands with CPI (M) cadre to massacre hundreds of Maoists in the Baranagar and Howrah areas of Calcutta. The most infamous was the Cassipore-Baranagar massacre. Armed goons of the Congress together with CPI (M) activists conducted house to house searches, raping women, burning houses and beating up youth with any known sympathy for the Maoists. Then, the Congress went on a killing spree, while the CPI (M) men formed a human chain around the area, to prevent anyone from escaping. Young boys were murdered, elderly people were doused with kerosene and burnt to death. Two important Maoist leaders of the area, Panchu Gopal Dey and Karuna Sarkar were killed in the most gory fashion. Dey’s limbs were cut off, one by one, and then stoned to death. Karuna Sarkar was caught by the goondas and CPI (ML) was carved on her chest. Other places where similar massacres took place were Ratan Babu Ghat, Kashiwar Chatterjee Lane, Baral Para Lane, Kutighat Road, Atul Krishna-Bose Lane, Maharaja Navalakumar Road, Lal Maidan, Bholanath stree, Jainarayan Banerjee Lane, Kashinath Datta Road and Vidyatan Sarani.

In this period over 10, 000 Maoists and their sympathisers were killed, most of the leadership had been decimated and thousands more were languishing in jails. And while this savage extermination was going on not a single parliamentary party even raised a voice.

Martyrdom of CM

Earlier, two central committee members, Saroj Datta and Appu just ‘disappeared’. Till today is is not known what happened, but it is quite clear that they have been arrested, tortured, then killed and their bodies disposed off by the police. Sushital Roy Choudhary died of a heart attack. In AP and Punjab the bulk of the leadership were killed. Charu Mazumdar, the ailing leader of the movement still evaded arrest. By 1972 he was the most wanted man by the Indian government.

But, on July 16, 1972 after the brutal torture of a courier, Charu Mazumdar was arrested from a shelter in Calcutta. At the time of his arrest he was seriously sick with cardiac asthama. During his ten days in police custody no one was allowed to see him – not even his lawyer, family members nor a doctor. The Lal bazar lock-up had achieved a reputation throughout the country of the most horrifying and cruel tortures. At 4.00 A.M. on July 28, 1972 Charu Mazumdar died in the police lock-up. Even the dead body was not given to the family. A police convoy, with the immediate family members carried the body to the crematorium…. The whole area was cordoned off and not even the nearest relatives was allowed in. Charu Mazumdar’s body was consigned to the flames. And with his martyrdom the first glorious chapter of the incipient revolutionary movement in India came to a close.

Movement Recedes

With the martyrdom of CM the young Maoist movement was thrown into disarray. With much of the leadership, at all levels, killed or in jail, and with a fascist terror reigning, the links between the revolutionaries broke. It was left to local organisers to recoup the forces. Most of these lacked experience, were being hounded by the police and, in many places, the mass base was shattered by police attacks. Yet pockets of resistance continued particularly in West Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.

But the government could not contain the peoples’ anger and a wave of protests shook the country. In Bihar and Gujarat there were massive student movements against corruption and government unaccountability; in Maharashtra severe drought sparked off unrest and the Dalits (scheduled castes) rose in revolt with the Dalit Panther movement; the nationalities were beginning to stir with movements for the development of local languages, more equitable centre-state relations and for separate states; the all India strike of railway workers in 1974 brought the economy to a virtual standstill; and, to top it all, even sections of the police launched unprecedented revolts against the government.

The ruling classes too were in disarray. They found themselves unable to contain the peoples’ anger. Each new day brought fresh reports of more attacks on the system. Yet, in the absence of a conscious intervention by a well-organised revolutionary party, the spontaneous challenge of the people was sought to be diverted into parliamentary channels. Jaya Prakash Narayan who became the symbolic leader of the movement against corruption gave a call for ‘Total Revolution’. In many places the movement spontaneously took a violent turn, but JP’s ‘total revolution’ was directionless. But, the mass movement threatened the ruling Congress government which finally clamped an internal Emergency on June 26, 1975. On 25th night the entire opposition parties and even some dissident Congressmen, mass leaders, civil rights workers and revolutionaries and their sympathisers were thrown behind bars.

The pockets of Maoist resistance that continued in this period were particularly in the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh led by the AP State Committee of the CPI (ML), later to become the CPI (ML) (People’s war), in West Bengal it was the Second CC with a strong base in Nadia and 24 Parganas districts and the MCC in the Sunderbans; and in Bihar three groups continued their resistance – in Bhojpur it was led by the CPI (ML) faction of Jawahar (later to become the Liberation group), in Jehanabad by what came to be later known as CPI (ML) Party Unity and in South Bihar’s Hazaribagh and Giridh areas by the MCC.

Three Trends Emerge

In this period of setback three distinct trends developed within the CPI (ML). The first was a continuation of the left line of ‘annihilation of class enemies’ which was represented by some pro-Lin Piao groups like the Second CC and the Mahadev Mukherjee group, also the CPI (ML) led by Jowahar in Bihar and CPI (ML) led by Kannamani in Tamilnadu. The second trend comprised of those who swung to the right, by criticising the entire tactical line of the CPI (ML) and once again sought participation in elections. This was particularly led by the CPI (ML) faction led by Satyanarayan Singh. Others like Kanu Sanyal, Ashim Chatterjee, Souren Bose swung even further to the right finally veering towards the CPI (M). The third trend was particularly represented by the COC (Central Organising Committee) which upheld the essence of the CPI (ML) line but sought to rectify the left errors. The COC comprised the CPI (ML) state units from Punjab, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar – the Punjab unit later merged the Unity Organisation to form the CPI (ML) Party Unity and the Andhra Pradesh unit developed into CPI (ML) (People’s war).

The revolutionaries belonging to the first trend were unable to withstand the police pressure for long. They fought heroically, but were suppressed. This was particularly so in Bhojpur. Annihilations rocked the district from 1971. Notorious landlords, upper caste gentry who had raped dalit women, goondas of the landlords …. all fell victim to the blazing guns of the revolutionaries. The movement threw up dedicated revolutionaries like Jagdish Mahto and Butan Mushahar….both school teachers and lovingly referred to as ‘Master’; and there was Rameshwar Ahir, the landless peasant-turned criminal, turned revolutionary. Then there was Dr. Nirmal the medical graduate who had experienced casteism even amongst the educated students and realised that genuine equality can only be achieved through revolution. And then there was the legendary leader of the CPI (ML) group Subroto Dutta, popularly known an ‘Jawahar’. The battles raged in the plains of Bhojpur right into the Emergency. But four days after the declaration of Emergency the battle turned in favour of the enemy.

It was June 29, Bahuara village with 143 families. The CRP and the Jat Regiment aided by 300 heavily armed Bumihars surrounded the village. The attackers set the whole Dalit tola on fire. The Ahirs, led by the CPI (ML) cadres fought back. The battle raged for three whole days. Finally after 96 hours of heavy fighting, four men made an attempt to break out of the heavy encirclement. Two, including Dr. Nirmal escaped. But a wounded Butan, ‘Master’, could not. He was arrested in the next village and shot dead. It is said that in these plains the revolutionaries linked up huts with underground tunnels, for their security. A few months later, a police party raided the house of Sakaldip Chamar in Babubandh village. The people inside put up a valiant resistance. After the smoke cleared, many lay dead. Among them was Dr. Nirmal. He was just 27 years. Among those who escaped was Jawahar; but he was severely wounded and died a few hours later. The Mushahars did not allow the police to capture the body; with tears in their eyes, they carried it away secretly through the fields. Resistance continued to smoulder throughout the period of the Emergency. Rameshwar Ahir and Jagdish Mahto too became martyrs. After the Emergency the new secretary of the party Vinod Mishra, while negating the left errors, step by step led the party to the extreme right. By the end of the 1980s this party revised all its earlier positions ending in the camp of the CPI and CPM. Of the groups in the first trend the Kannamani group was totally liquidated, and the second CC after some divisions, a few reviewed their past and tried to come out of the ultra-left line.

Most of the groups in the second trend, with varying degrees of right deviations, finally became part of the revisionist camp, like the SNS group, Kanu Sanyal, Ashim Chatterjee etc. A few, though still within the revolutionary camp, are getting more and more bogged down in parliamentary politics, or keep on postponing the question of armed struggle. Some of these have been going through a series of unifications and splits.

The third trend was the trend of the future……and it is this trend that has been growing in many parts of the country. They are basically represented by three organisations : CPI (ML) Party Unity, CPI (ML) (People’s war) and the MCC. Though the MCC never joined the CPI (ML) and has an independent history of its own it is today the strongest revolutionary force in Bihar. These three trends, in order to coordinate the struggles, formed a broad common platform called the All India People’s Resistance Forum or AIPRF in 1992 with its organ ‘People’s Resistance’ in English and Hindi.

PART — 3

INTROSPECTION New rays of hope…………. A Self Critical Review The Importance of Mao Ze Dong Thought

The major reason for the setback were some errors in the movement, specifically in the realm of tactics. Repression, brutality, inhuman torture, etc are second nature to the capitalists. These ‘gentlemen’ are fine and courteous as long as their interests are not threatened; but touch one paisa of their ill-begotten wealth and they turn into poisonous vipers, ruthless executioners, inhuman demons, spouting death and destruction on their path to glory. It is the class struggle that brings forth their real nature and any revolutionary or revolutionary movement must be equipped to face it. The tragedy of the liberals is that they are unaware of this reality, while the revisionists seek to hide it. The bourgeoisie is not threatened by the liberals or the revisionists, who strain every nerve to look ‘respectable’ (to the bourgeoisie), and so the rulers can afford to be ‘civil’, ‘decent’, ‘rational’ in their dealings with the liberals, revisionists and their like. Some confuse this ‘decency’ for the gory reality. The politics of Naxalbari threatened them, and they came out in their true colours, discarding all refinement, shedding all democratic pretensions, discarding all ‘decency’, with a ruthlessness that would make even Hitler ecstatic.

After the setback in 1972 there has been much introspection. Specifically the COC units tried to grapple with the problems of revolution in India in the light of this latest experience. In doing so various assessments came forward one of which was the self-critical review put forward by the Andhra comrades led then by Kondapalli Seetharamaiah.

A self-critical review

Success or defeat in revolution is, first and foremost, governed by the political line of the party that is leading the revolution. If the line is in conformity with the laws of development of society and revolution, then the movement will go towards victory. But if the line is not in conformity with these laws it will be defeated. The CPI (ML), unlike the CPI and CPM, correctly understood the laws of development of India society, when they characterised it as semi-feudal, semi-colonial and the stage of revolution as New Democratic. The CPI (ML) also grasped the fundamental law of revolution i.e., the need for revolutionary violence to change the system. Marx and Engels had shown that all hitherto existing social systems had not passed away peacefully but through violent class struggles. The very bourgeoisie in the capitalist countries had come to power through a violent overthrow of the feudal order. Marx’s famous quote that “Force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with the new” was thrown to the winds by the CPI and CPM. The CPI (ML) not only restored this Marxist law of revolution, they went about implementing it. And in doing so, certain errors arose in the methods adopted.

Being equipped with the general laws of revolution is not sufficient; there must also be a concrete analysis of concrete conditions, a class understanding of friends and enemies, an assessment of the changing class alignment of forces at any given moment and the methods required to build the revolutionary forces to face the enemy. Errors in any of these spheres can also lead to reverses. And it is here that some errors were made.

These errors were best summed up in the CPI (ML) (People’s war) document entitled “Summing up the past let us advance victoriously along the path of armed struggle.” This document listed first the positive aspects of the CPI (ML), then the shortcomings and finally drew lessons on the basis on which to advance. This contrasted sharply with numerous other critiques from erstwhile leaders of the CPI (ML) like SNS, Kanu Sanyal, Ashim Chatterjee, etc who merely sought to throw blame on CM and escape into the revisionist camp. Of course, genuine criticism was raised earlier, particularly by Sushital Roy Chowdhary in late 1970, but he was the lone voice in the leadership then. Unfortunately, a few months later, he died of a heart attack. Though belatedly, Com. CM himself initiated the process of rectifying the errors as could be seen in his article “People’s interest is party’s interest” written in May 1972, two months prior to his martyrdom.

While clearly stating that the positive aspects were primary the CPI (ML) PW document outlined the main shortcomings as :

(i) An incorrect understanding of the era : The document stated that the party wrongly estimated that the character of the era had changed and on that basis had called for continuous attacks, without a thought to the relative strength of the revolutionary forces and that of the enemy. The document added that : “what should have been done instead, is to base (tactics) on a concrete assessment of the relative strength and weaknesses of the opposing sides of the contradiction, in a revolution.”

(ii) A wrong estimation of the International and National Situation: The document stated that the Eighth Party Congress report had looked upon US intervention in Kampuchea as the beginning of World War III. It also said that the party had wrongly estimated the situation in the country and therefore called on the people to start armed struggle everywhere. The document added that in India there is uneven economic development, and the levels of political consciousness and social and cultural development vary, this, it added, has to be borne in mind, while formulating the tactics of struggle.

(iii) A disregard for the subjective factor : There was no proper estimate of the strength of the revolutionary forces vis-a-vis that of the enemy. There was a tendency to get carried away by the immediate success of the struggles.

(iv) Giving immature slogans : The over assessment of the objective factors of revolution led to many immature slogans and calls.

(v) The Line of Annihilation : The document succinctly analysed this point saying : “All forms of struggle are subordinate to, and are guided by the concrete political line. If the concrete political line deviates from the mass line, the forms of struggle cannot but be otherwise….. So in order to negate the line of annihilation, we have to negate the wrong ideology which is alien to Marxism and its consequential political and organisational manifestations….. The problem is not whether the class enemy will be annihilated or not ….. Rather the problem is, whether the party should adopt the mass line or not …. Every Marxist-Leninist Party must propagate revolutionary violence which may express itself in various forms of struggle; one of which may be annihilation of class enemies.” The party had earlier asserted that the annihilation of landlords was the only means of arousing the landless and poor peasants. This document put the question in correct perspective.

(vi) The rejection of other forms of struggle and organisation : Until then the party negated all mass organisations and all other forms of struggle, thereby isolating the party from the masses which made comrades easier targets for the enemy. As the document pointed out “In order to combat the long-standing revisionist practice of conducting mass struggles on the lines of economism and adopting legal and open forms of organisation as the only form of organisation, our party arrived at a one-sided and wrong formulation that the armed form of struggle is the only form of struggle and armed form of organisation the only form of organisation.”

(vii) A wrong approach to the United Front : The document in its assessment of the earlier position said, “The United Front will be formed in the course of struggle only…. to work for it right from the inception of the struggle is the bounden duty of the working class. To say instead, that it will not be possible to form a United Front until one or a few liberated base areas are established….amounts to rejecting in practice the truth, that a United Front is essential for the victory of revolution.”

(viii) Guerilla struggles in the cities : The document said that it was wrong to have started urban guerilla warfare in Calcutta… leading to enormous losses.

(ix) Wrong bureaucratic tendencies in Organisation : The document explained that – bureaucratic methods, a lack of self-criticism, a lack of committee functioning, sectarian methods of solving differences, and finally the assertion of Com. CM’s individual authority above the Party…. did much to damage the movement. The document also added that this was a major reason why the party could not correct errors in time.

These then were the major errors of the movement and it is on the basis of a rectification done with this analysis, that the CPI (ML) (PW) has carried forward the heritage of Naxalbari, the basic line of the Eighth Congress and created the primary forms of the guerilla zone.

The importance of Mao Ze Dong Thought

Remoulding of the existing petti-bourgeois outlook to a proletarian outlook is a continuous struggle. The pace of the incipient revolutionary movement outstripped the pace of development of proletarian ideology. Besides, non-proletarian traits acquired through long association with the revisionists added to the havoc and splintering of the movement. The lack of a self-critical approach allowed some ‘leaders’ to swing from one view to exactly an opposite view without so much as a attempting to analyse why the earlier view was wrong. Such political and ideological semantics abounded in the post-1972 period. Together with this individualism, personality-based groupism, a small circle mentality etc., added to the proliferation of groups-each one, ofcourse, claiming they alone were right. Mao no doubt has written against all this, but it is one thing to accept Mao theoretically, quite another to imbibe his teaching in practice.

Mao had once said “A communist must never be opiniated or domineering, thinking that he is good in everything while others are good in nothing; he must never shut himself up in his little room, or brag and boast and lord it over others.” Sectarianism was deep-rooted at that time, highly opiniated views existed, intolerance of another view-point, an unwillingness to learn from others, not even from practice and reality……all this added to the fissures and divisions, and also retarded, or atleast, delayed, the ability to learn from one’s own experience.

In 1972 itself the AP State Committee had presented a short self-critical assessment, though this was accepted by Com. CM shortly before his arrest and martyrdom, it was not able to gain acceptance. These views, presented in a well elaborated form to the then COC in 1975 was not even able to rally the other units, even though the COC contained many of the best elements from amongst the CPI (ML). Even if this was not accepted no other view could find a common agreement. With the result, the first COC literally withered away in 1977.

Mao Ze Dong Thought is the development of Marxism-Leninism and an essential weapon for the proletarian movement. It gives the ideological basis for fighting all forms of deviations and the most powerful weapon in combating revisionism particularly modern revisionism. Today, when the international communist movement has faced a setback and even the mighty CPC has turned revisionist, the danger of revisionism lurking in the background is ever-present. The struggle against imperialism and feudalism is impossible without a struggle against revisionism…..and for that, Maoist ideology, politics and military science are absolutely fundamental.

PART — 4 REVOLUTION TAKES ROOT The Storm clouds gather……….. Bihar : (1) Maoist Communist Centre (2) CPI (ML) Party Unity Andhra Pradesh : (1) The Initial Regrouping (2) Telangana Regional Conference (3) A Cultural Resurgence (4) The Student Movement (5) Go To Village Campaign (6) Resurgence of the Peasant Movement (7) Civil Liberties Movement (8) Formation of CPI (ML) (PW)

Where there is oppression there is resistance. Revolution is not a conspiracy, it is a festival of the masses. Secret methods of organisation and guerilla forms of warfare are necessary for a smaller force to defeat a larger force. The Indian state is relatively big and powerful. Besides, they get continuous training from the Americans, British, Russians and the Israeli intelligence, Mossad. After the defeat of the reactionary forces in Vietnam, counter-insurgency training internationally has reached a higher level of perfection. Today, the strength of India’s armed forces is 15 lakh, plus there is a 8 lakh central para-military force and 12 lakh police force (3 lakh of whom are the armed-police). The total expenditure on the army and para-military forces was Rs. 37, 000 crores in 1996-97 and that on the police was Rs. 7, 200 crores. Together with this, large secret funds are allocated for covert operations of the IB, RAW etc. This entire force of three and a half million, incurring a massive expenditure of over Rs. 45, 000 crores yearly is used for the suppression of the Indian people-i.e., the government is spending Rs. 500 per family per year for their suppression. It needs a powerful force, with deep roots in the masses, and well-versed in guerilla warfare to take on the enemy forces of the state. The amatuerish methods of the 1969-72 period were easily defeated.

Taking lessons from this experience, the movement began taking roots on a more solid foundation. The seeds of this movement were sown in the early 1970s itself, they began to sprout in the post-emergency period, a strong erect structure developed in the decade of the 80s, and in the 90s they began to bloom in the bright sunshine blazing over the forests and plains of Andhra Pradesh, Dandakaranya and Bihar. Through massive repression and most bestial brutality the Indian government tried to snuff out the seeds, it failed; it tried to trample over the young saplings, it failed again; it tried to axe the strong structure that began to take shape, yet again it failed; and now it is trying to drown the sweet fragrance by emitting a vile odour – it will also fail.

First, a brief introduction to the movement in Bihar led by the MCC and CPI (ML) Party Unity. Later we shall go into a detailed description of the movement led by CPI (ML) (PW) in AP and Dandakaranya.


After the suppression of the Bhojpur movement, the CPI (ML) Liberation made a swing towards the Right and slowly went into the morass of revisionist politics. The enormous mass base so systematically built by the martyrs of Bhojpur was step by step disarmed and pushed into parliamentarism. In short, the revolutionary movement was liquidated. What is worse, this group was utilised to launch attacks on the genuine revolutionaries. The most notorious incident being the murder of two leading members of the CPI (ML) 2nd CC – Ramachandra Thakur and Jassiya Ray. Thakur was member of the Central Committee. Also, they had aggressively attacked and killed cadres from the MCC and CPI (ML) Party Unity. It was only when these organisations retaliated that the Liberation group’s aggressiveness reduced.

Soon, the focus of the movement shifted from Bhojpur to the districts of Gaya, Aurangabad and Jehanabad where two organisations with dedicated cadre were quietly building their revolutionary base. These two organisations were the Maoist Communist Centre and, the other was, what later came to be known as the CPI (ML) Party Unity.

(1) Maoist Communist Centre

The MCC, while supporting the Naxalbari struggle, did not join the CPI (ML) because of some tactical differences and on the question of the method of Party formation. Its history can be traced to three phases.

The first phase can be stretched from 1964 to 1968 and began when the revisionist line was established at the first Congress of the CPI (M). Functioning as the ‘Dakshin Desh’ group (after the Bengali Magazine brought out by it) it led a revolt against the revisionist line and established a secret revolutionary centre to develop a revolutionary line. The two main founders of this group were Amulya Sen and Kanai Chatterjee. It was a period primarily of ideological struggles. While doing so, the major comrades were already playing a leading role in the trade union front, student front and youth front. The leading comrades too were linked to the workers and peasants movement. The theoretical issues raised in this period were :(i) drawing a clear line of demarcation with the revisionists in the political and organisational fields, (ii) linking the daily revolutionary practice of Indian revolution to the theory (iii) developing a political and tactical line not merely as a formality, but giving it a concrete structure in various spheres of activity and (iv) based on these revolutionary policies, style and method, and in the course of revolutionary struggles and guided by a revolutionary theory, to build a revolutionary party.

The second phase, which stretched from 1969 to 1978, was a period of implementation of the party’s line, policies and plans. It was a period of gaining practical experience towards the path of establishing the ‘Red Agrarian Revolutionary Resistance War.’ It was initiated by two articles printed in Dakshin Desh (Lal Pataka in Hindi) entitled ‘The Perspective of Indian Revolution’ and ‘The Tactical Line of Indian Revolution-perspective’, and, the formation of MCC on October 20, 1969. Work was begun on this basis in the Sundarbans, 24 Parganas, Hoogli, Midnapur, Kanksa, Gaya and Hazaribagh. Of these experiences the most encouraging was that of Kanksa and Hazaribagh. Here, a wide movement was built on issues like wage hike, seizure of crops, fertiliser problem, confiscation of grains from landlords and against various forms of political and social oppression. Also, a wide mass movement was built, some notorious landlords punished and steps were taken towards disarming of the enemy and arming the people. Some guerilla squads and self-defence squads were also built and through the Kanksa struggles the concept of the Revolutionary Peasant Committees first developed. In the 1972-77 period the movement faced enormous repression.

The third phase, which stretched from 1979 to 1988, was a period of taking the lessons, both positive and negative, of the second phase and enriching both the theory and practice. In this phase the MCC focused on Bihar; and with the perspective of building a people’s army and base area, the Bihar-Bengal Special Area Committee was established, the ‘Preparatory Committee for Revolutionary Peasant Struggles’ was formed and soon Revolutionary Peasant Councils emerged. In this phase militant struggles developed and the landlords’ authority smashed, thousands of acres of land seized and distributed to the landless, and property of the landlords seized and distributed. But it was in this period that the two founding members of the organisation passed away – Amulya Sen in March 1981 and Kannai Chatterjee in July 1982.

Now the movement has grown to a number of districts of Bihar including Hazaribagh, Giridh, Gaya, Aurangabad and others. Today, the MCC is a force to reckon with, in Bihar.

(2) CPI (ML) Party Unity

Cadres of the CPI (ML) from Jehanabad-Palamau region fought against the disruptionist and revisionist line put forward by Satyanarayan Singh in 1971. Also while struggling against the left line of the Bhojpur comrades, they built some roots in the area. After the release of many comrades from jail in 1977, the movement picked up momentum and was re-organised. They organised themselves into the CPI (ML) (Unity Organisation) in 1978.

The Jehanabad-Palamau region is one of the backward regions of Bihar. In addition to cultivation, the peasants have to rely on the collection of forest produce for their subsistence. In this area the writ of the landlord lay unchallenged. The situation began to change with the entry of the Unity Organisation. Learning from their previous ‘left’ errors special attention was paid to build a mass base for the activities of their armed squads. A peasant organisation was formed – The Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti (MKSS). All old practices were questioned and landlords’ authority challenged. Struggles for wage increase, against the social oppression of women and scheduled castes, and the biggest struggles arose over the auction of forest produce.

The incipient movement saw three of its young activists martyred on 10th August 1982. The landlords of Bhagwanpur village in Gaya district kidnaped Lakhan Manjhi (20 years), Sudeshi Manjhi (19) and Balkishore Manjhi (15) and killed them. Lakhan was an important member of the Party’s Red Squad. In June 1984 the movement faced a severe loss, when the popular secretary of the MKSS, Krishna Singh, was shot dead by landlords. In May 1984 the Palamau-Aurangabad Regional Committee of the MKSS had held its conference and plans were being made for fresh attacks on the landlords. On June 17, Krishna Singh was conducting a meeting of the MKSS at Jharna in Palamau district. The local landlord and goondas attacked the meeting, opening fire. A chase began, Com. Krishna Singh allowed his comrades to get away, and fell to the enemy’s bullets. Condemnation of this murder spread in a spate of protests throughout the area. The protests led to the arrest of 35 of the hoodlums involved.

Meanwhile in 1983 the Unity Organisation merged with a section of the COC, CPI (ML) to form the COC, CPI (ML) Party Unity. As the movement grew the party too put forward the perspective of building up a guerilla zone. At the Party Congress held in 1987 the COC, CPI (ML) Party Unity outlined the following tasks : “We are tackling the steadily increasing armed onslaughts of the state, through mass resistance. But gradually the squads too will have to come forward to participate in this resistance. At the phase of confiscating all lands of the landlords and on the eve of building up the guerilla zone, the activities of the squads will be the main aspect of the people’s resistance against the armed attacks of the state.”

In Gaya-Aurangabad a call was issued for all landlords to deposit their weapons with the Kisan Samitis. Those who refused found their houses attacked and their weapons seized. The movement grew, and today the COC CPI (ML) Party Unity is also a force in a number of districts of Bihar.

Andhra Pradesh

While in the late 1960s the nerve centre of the Maoist movement in India was West Bengal, by the late 1970s it had shifted to Andhra Pradesh. … Ofcourse, Andhra Pradesh has a glorious history of revolutionary struggles. It had seen the historic Telangana struggle where, by July 1948, 2500 villages had been organised into’communes’. It was the famous ‘Andhra Thesis’, that for the first time demanded that Indian revolution follow the Chinese path of protracted people’s war. As early as June 1948 the ‘Andhra Letter’ submitted to the Central Executive Committee of the Party, laid down in unambiguous terms a revolutionary strategy based on Mao’s New Democracy. It was the first time anywhere in the world (outside China) that ‘Mao’s Line’ had been asserted. In fact, the ‘Chinese Path’ for the backward countries was first asserted by the CPC only in November 1949 at a meeting of the World Federation of Trade Unions being held in Peking. But this line was vehemently opposed by the Ranadive leadership of the CPI. It was only in May 1950, after the Cominform came out with its approval of the Chinese revolutionary strategy as a model for the backward countries, that the ‘Andhra Thesis’ was accepted and became the official line of the Party. But this line lasted for just one year, as, with the withdrawal of the Telangana struggle and a decision to participate in the forthcoming elections, the Andhra Thesis was withdrawn. In May 1951 Ajoy Ghosh was elected as secretary in place of Rajeshwar Rao and a new leadership introduced the revisionist line.

Then came the Srikakulam uprising, and now, by 1972 the shift was once again back to the Telangana region.

(1) The initial regrouping

By November 72, of the 12 member AP State Committee only one remained to regroup the forces, the rest had been either killed or arrested. Kondapalli Seetharamaiah, together with some leading members of the state, reorganised much of the fractured units. Earlier, in March 1972, the existing three members of the state committee (two of whom were arrested in November) sought to correct the errors of the Naxalbari period by maintaining its revolutionary essence. This committee decided to build mass organisations, take up the partial struggles of the masses and spread to new areas by building legal mass organisations, where possible. It also decided that the annihilation of class enemies should be conducted only as part of the class struggle. With these decisions a two member delegation went to meet CM. CM spoke to the delegation just ten days before his arrest and approved all the decisions. At this meeting CM also disclosed the fraternal suggestions of the CPC regarding rectification of certain methods of work.

In August 1972 the Party launched its political magazine ‘Pilupu’ (The Call) to rally the revolutionary forces. This magazine, besides dissemination of the stand of the Party on national and international issues, conducted an ideological battle to repulse the attacks of the dissidents within the CPI (ML) (example – SNS, Kanu Sanyal, some of the jailed leaders in AP) and from those outside (erstwhile APCCCR), in defense of the CM-line and the new organisational methods to be adopted. ‘Pilupu’ played an important role in repulsing the right and ‘left’ deviations rampant in the movement at that time…..steering the movement onto a correct path. Together with this, in order to knit the cadres on a strong ideological basis, a large number of political classes were held.

Besides reorganising the Party in AP, KS made attempts to contact central committee members from West Bengal and other states. Of the four central committee members from AP elected at the 1970 Congress two were killed and two in jail. In January 1974 KS attended a meeting of a reconstituted Central Organising Committee comprising Sharma (elected secretary of the COC) of Punjab, Suniti Ghosh of Bengal and Ramnath of Bihar, of which the first two were original CC members elected at the 1970 Congress.

Meanwhile as there was no state committee in existence in AP, in August 1974 it was decided to reconstitute a three-member committee comprising KS (representing Telangana region), Appalasuri who had just escaped from jail (representing coastal Andhra) and Mahadevan, who had just come out on bail (representing Rayalaseema).

The COC which had to prepare a common self-critical review was unable to come to any agreement on the three separate reviews presented. At the two month September 75 meeting it was decided to withdraw these reviews and instead produce a tactical line. It was hoped that this tactical line would strengthen unity through practice and act as the basis for a common tactical line, entitled ‘Road to Revolution’, though prepared after intense discussion, did not help unity. While the May 1977 meeting the Bihar and West Bengal representatives resigned, and the AP representative did not attend due to the arrest of KS. With the collapse of this first attempt to reorganise the Centre, the AP comrades turned their focus back to the movement in the state.

(2) Telangana Regional Conference

At the time the Telangana Regional Conference was held in February 1977 all the preparations had been completed for the launching of a powerful mass movement. In the previous five years, the scattered revolutionary forces had been regrouped, the political line had been effectively defended from attacks from both the right and ‘left’, a powerful revolutionary student movement had developed which were to provide a large number of cadres for the Party, fraction work had effectively laid the seeds of organisation amongst a section of the workers, particularly the coal mine workers, and the seeds of a peasant movement had been sown in Karimnagar and Adilabad districts. All the conditions were ready for the take-off and the Telangana Regional Conference was to ignite the fuse.

The Conference was held basically to review the growing Telangana movements and to elect a leadership. In this conference three major decisions were taken – (i) to broaden the party’s base amongst the masses (ii) to hold a series of political classes to train the big influx of new cadre and (iii) to send squads into the forest for launching armed struggle. Finally, the eight districts of Telangana, excluding Hyderabad, were divided into two regions and two regional committees were elected.

(3) A Cultural Resurgence

AP had a rich tradition of revolutionary culture. After Naxalbari, the big names of Telugu literature like Sri Sri, R.V. Shastri, Kutumba Rao etc turned towards the revolutionary trend. With the CPI taking to the parliamentary path, the Progressive Writers Association stagnated. It was the Digambara (naked) poets of 1965 which broke the dullness that had engulfed Telugu literature. Poets like K.V.Ramana Reddy, Cherabanda Raju, Varavara Rao, C. Vijayalaxmi, CV Krishna Rao, exposed social evils, corruption, exploitation, political bankruptcy, meaningless middle-class existence, commercialisation of literature, etc. The anthology of 15 poets, Rathiri (night) was like a flash of light in the darkness. The incisive poems of Cherabanda Raju and Varavara Rao have been translated in nearly all languages.

By 1965 there were three important groups of poets who were to rock the Telugu literary world : the Hyderabad based Digambara poets, the Warangal based Thirugubatu (revolt) poets and the Guntur based Pygambara poets. After the Naxalbari uprising these poets, together with the leading lights of the literary world ( i.e. Sri Sri and others) merged to form VIRASAM in 1970 – i.e., the Viplava Rachayithala Sangam or the Revolutionary Writers Association (RWA). Even in the period of setback it was the inspiring poems, short-stories, novels which continued to attract thousands of the youth towards the politics of Naxalbari. Not only were the writers politically uncompromising, they were artistically brilliant. Further, RWA initiated the formation of an all-India revolutionary cultural forum in 1983. Revolutionary cultural organisations came together and formed the All India League for Revolutionary Culture (AILRC). The AILRC brings out a regular quarterly cultural magazine in Hindi entitled ‘Amukh’.

Besides these writers, a number of artists from Hyderabad, inspired by the the Srikakulam struggle and the songs of Subbarao Panigrahi formed a group in 1970 called the Art Lovers. They comprised the famous film producer Narasinga Rao and the now legendary, Gaddar. In late 1971 this group became directly affiliated to the Party and changed its name to Jana Natya Mandali (JNM). Through its cultural programmes of song, dance and plays the JNM propagated revolutionary ideas and drew the masses towards revolutionary politics. In 1977, district level troupes of JNM were formed in Telangana. An eight-member troupe was first formed in Adilabad which gave a record 300 programmes in 1978-79. District teams were formed in Warangal and Karimnagar in 1978 and could function legally till 1984. Central training schools were held for the JNM troupes between 1980 and 1982.

(4) The Student Movement

Once the left line was rectified, students who had been inspired by Naxalbari and Srikakulam and the RWA and JNM, surged forward in their thousands. Initially the students of the CP Reddy group and those with the AP State Committee worked under one banner – the Progressive Democratic Students Union or PDSU. But, as the differences grew sharper and working within one organisation became difficult (with continuous contradictions) the revolutionary students left and formed the Radical Students Union or RSU. This organisation grew with such speed and gained such support that even today activists are popularly known as Radicals.

The Radical Students Union was formed on October 12, 1974 and the first State Conference was held in February 1975. This first conference released a manifesto exposing the various revisionist tendencies and holding aloft the banner of a revolutionary student movement. Hundreds of students inspired and Mao Ze Dong Thought attended the conference. The biggest contingents were from Telangana, specifically form Karimnagar, Warangal, Khammam and Nalgonda. Large numbers also came from Ananthapur, Tirupathi and Vishakhapatnam.

After the conference and before the next academic year, the Emergency was declared and the RSU had to face the full brunt of the repressive machinery. More than 500 students were subjected to inhuman torture, and 70 were thrown into prison. Four young students, Janardhan, Murali Mohan, Anand Rao and Sudhakar were taken to the Giraipally forests and shot dead by the police. Student activist, Nagaraju, was also arrested and shot. Yet RSU re-organised secretly and continued agitations specifically in their two strongholds – the Regional Engineering College of Warangal and the Osmania University in Hyderabad. They also started a magazine ‘Radical’ which was widely distributed amongst students.

After the lifting of the Emergency student agitations swept the state around a number of issues : In Hyderabad it was around the Rameejabi rape (in police custody) case, in Kakatiya University it was against the Hindu fundamentalists, in Bellampally in support of the workers strike, in Mahaboobnagar in support of the hotel workers – also there were state-wide agitations on ITI and Polytechnic students’ issues and a state wide strike for students demands for better social welfare benefits.

The second conference was held in Warangal in February 1978. In preparation to this conference a big debate took place as certain units said that mass organisations should confine themselves to partial demands and not propagate revolutionary politics. The two views were debated in all units, and finally the second conference rejected the proposed changes. Lenin’s writings on the nature of a revolutionary student movement were widely circulated to educate students and activists on this issue.

The mass upsurge of students throughout 1978 and the active ‘boycott election campaign’ to the state Assembly culminated with the third state conference of the RSU held in Anantapur with 2000 delegates. This was preceded by district conferences in 13 districts. With the sweep of the revolutionary student movements RSU (jointly with PDSU) began winning all the student union elections. The 1981 RSU state conference at Guntur was preceded by 16 district conferences. Prior to this conference RSU had organised a meeting of 10,000 to condemn Soviet Aggression of Afghanistan.

From 1981 the ABVP (student wing of the Hindu fundamentalist BJP) organised systematic assaults on RSU activists and even killed some leaders. The police stood by and watched. The RSU replied – first with a systematic exposure of the ABVP; and then they also resisted the physical assaults and wherever necessary retaliated. With this resistance campaign the movement spread to the High Schools. In the 1982 student elections the RSU achieved unprecedented victories in Osmania University (Hyderabad) and in the towns of Warangal, Karimnagar, Nalgonda, Mahaboobnagar, Adilabad, Guntur, Chittoor, Kurnool, Cuddapah and Khammam districts. The student union election victories further facilitated the spread of revolutionary politics in the educational institutions. The inaugural functions, cultural events ….. all became centres of revolutionary enthusiasm spreading the movement to every corner of the state. By the time of the 5th

State conference, RSU had spread to 18 out of the 21 districts of AP. In 1984, 25000 polytechnic students from 47 colleges went on a 104 day strike and achieved their demands. Even high school students went on an indefinite strike to get their syllabus reduced. In February 1985, at the initiative of the RSU the All India Revolutionary Students Federation (AIRSF) was established at a conference held in Hyderabad. But by mid-1985 the police launched its massive attack on the party and a chief target was the RSU. Police raided schools, colleges and hostels, arresting students and brutally torturing them.

Since then, the RSU has been pushed underground and had to change its style of functioning from large open meetings to small secret meetings, class room meetings, etc. In 1985/86 a number of students leading the RSU were killed in cold blood – Nageshwar Rao, Shyam Prasad, Sreenivas, Yakaiah, Ramakanth, Muralidhar Raju and Satish fell to enemy bullets. Nageswar Rao was the state vice-president of RSU. Since then all conferences of the RSU have been held secretly.

(5) ‘Go to the Village’ Campaigns

The ‘Go to the village campaign’ was an ingenious method discovered by the AP Party to effectively integrate the students with the ongoing peasant movement. It was also a brilliant method to push ahead the organisation amongst the peasantry with enormous speed. In the summer holidays students scheduled to go on a campaign would first go through an intense one weak political school. In this school the method of conducting the campaign would also be informed. Also in this school they would be informed about the subject to be taken for intense political propaganda amongst the peasants. After this they would be broken up into batches of about seven each and proceed to the villages covering an area as per the party plans. In the village campaign they were also to set up youth organisations wherever possible and keep a note of the names of all potential activists. These names would then be handed over to the local party organiser who would follow up and deepen the organisation.

The first such campaign began in the summer of 1978. In the first campaign 200 students participated. The aim of this campaign was the propagation of the politics of agrarian revolution and the building of RYL (Radical Youth League) units in the villages. The campaign went on for one month and culminated in the holding of the first RYL Conference. The significance of this campaign was that it helped trigger off the historic peasant struggles of Karimnagar and Adilabad.

In the next year, the ‘village campaign’ of April to June 1979 was for the first time jointly conducted by RSU and RYL. This time preparatory classes were held in 15 centres in which 500 students and youth participated. Besides propagating the politics of agrarian revolution the campaigners strived to expose the “Soviet-backed Vietnamese aggression against Kampuchea” – they sold Pol Pot badges in the villages. The campaign focused on “Soviet Aggression against Afghanistan” and also expressed solidarity with the nationality movement of Assam. The 1981 campaign exposed police brutality in the wake of of the massacre of tribals in Indervelli in Adilabad district. The campaign mobilised support for the tribal movement being led by the CPI (ML) (PW) in the Dandakaranya forests. In 1982, the theme of the campaign was the unconditional release of KS and other political prisoners and demanding a judicial enquiry into ‘encounter’ killings in the state. The teams also helped mobilise workers for the first State Conference of the Coal miners union SIKASA (Singareni Karmika Samakhya). The 1983 campaign exposed the repression being unleashed by the Telugu Desam government and explained that political leaders like NTR cannot usher in all-round development of the Telugu nationality. The 1984 campaign, the last that was possible before the all-out onslaught unleashed in 1985, focused on government repression and demanded the withdrawal of the CRPF from Telangana.

With each campaign the number of student and youth participants increased, inspite of the fact that in each successive year the police attacks were getting more and more vicious. In 1983/84 it was a virtual hide-and-seek between the police and the campaigners. In the 1984 village campaign about 1100 student and youth participated, organised into 150 propaganda teams. That year alone they carried the message of agrarian revolution to 2419 villages.

(6) Resurgence of the Peasant Movement

In the latter part of 1977 huge peasant rallies and demonstrations were held all over the district, not only on local issues but also for the release of political prisoners, against ‘encounters’, tortures in police lock-up and for removal of police camps. Slowly, peasant and agricultural labour unions began taking shape. The three thousand strong public rally at Gollapally on September 27 was an indication of the growing force. Also, in the same month, the workers of the Singareni Colleries at Bellampalli of Adilabad district rejected the revisionist leadership, took a militant agitation under the leadership of revolutionary politics and wrested bonus and other demands from the management. Seeing the growth of the people’s movement the landlords began their attack. In November 1977 the landlords attacked and killed Lakshmi Rajam of Sircilla taluq and Potta Poshetty of Jagityal taluq. In the next summer the RSU village campaign gave a big impetus to the peasant movement and from June 1978 the struggles began to pick up tempo. The major issues around which they rallied were : the enhancement of daily wages for agricultural labourers, increase of the monthly and annual wage rates for permanent farm labour, abolition of customary free labour and customary payments in cash and kind to the landlords, refund of bribes, taking possession of government land under landlord’s occupation, occupation of waste land, confiscation of firewood and timber grown by landlords in government forest lands, etc. Specifically, the struggles for the abolition of unpaid labour and enhancement of agricultural wages spread like wild fire throughout Jagityal taluq. The peasantry of Jagityal alone collected refunds amounting to lakhs.

Strikes of agricultural labourers spread from village to village. Landlords were physically brought to public gatherings and asked to confess their crimes and apologise for their oppressive behavior and pay back the illegal extortions. The peasants moved in big rallies, with red flags and occupied waste lands and government lands under landlord occupation. Also the strike movement, of labourers at beedi leaf collection centres in many taluqs of Karimnagar and Adilabad, gained momentum.

One of the most powerful and popular forms of struggle that developed during this period was the ‘social boycott’ of the landlords and their anti people agents. When it was decided to socially boycott a landlord, the entire village decided to stop any interaction and service to him – he was deprived of his servants in the house, cattle feeders, agricultural labour, washermen, barbers etc. Later, this form of struggle was also used against police officials camping in the village.

Another remarkable phenomenon in this period, was the usurping and revolutionising of the institution of ‘Panchayat’ by the peasantry. ‘Panchayat’ is a traditional institution of the villages of the Telangana region, where any petty dispute is publicly adjudicated – with the landlord presiding, and, of course, passing judgment. Now, the landlords’ authority was displaced and the revolutionary peasants took over the running of panchayats, and, in many cases, put the landlords on trial.

Inspite of police repression, the movement grew and culminated in the historic march in Jagityal town. On September 7, 1978 over 35,000 people marched to Jagityal town. Of the 152 villages of Jagityal taluq, peasants and agricultural labourers from 150 villages attended the rally and meeting. Shaken by the strength of the movement, while some landlords fled to the cities, the other landlords and police began an offensive. Destroying and looting peasant houses, attacking, beating and even resorting to firing on peasants, became a daily occurrence. The peasants retaliated. A war-like situation grew. Heavy police re-enforcements reached the area and the rampage began. Within just two weeks all the 150 villages were frequently raided, mass beatings and arrests, and torture in police camps of hundreds of activists took place. In Jagityal taluq alone, in just four months, 3000 peasants form 75 villages had been implicated in false cases. Besides, 800 were jailed and hundreds more tortured in police camps and let off. On October 20, 1978 the AP government declared Sircilla and Jagityal as ‘Disturbed Areas’ giving the police draconian powers.

While the peasant upsurge lasted from June to September 1978 the police onslaught continued from September to December 1978. Though the upsurge receded in the face of police action, the resistance grew, and, in some taluqs of neighbouring Adilabad, took on a mass character.

By the beginning of 1979, the peasants regained their initiative, after recouping from the first shocks of the white terror. Now, organisational consolidation took place, political consciousness was raised on the nature of the state and the need to smash it, and the necessity of secret functioning was better understood and underground methods became better developed. The political and organisational basis was laid, to raise the struggle to a higher plane. Also during this period the anti-feudal struggle spread to Peddapalli, Manthani and Huzurabad taluks of Karimnagar district and to Laxettipet, Asifabad and Khanapur taluqs of Adilabad district.

In 1979 the struggle intensified with a number of landlords being annihilated. Now the villagers, specially the women, found new methods of resisting and fighting back police terror. By early 1980 the anti-liquor movement (initially for the reduction in price of liquor) had brought the liquor barons to their knees. The authority of the peasant association was growing in all matters of village life.

In addition to this peasant movement, activity amongst coal miners had been stepped up by RSU and RYL units and the influence over the one lakh-odd miners grew substantially. In Warangal city, the student, youth and literary movement had revived and strengthened. The student movement extended to almost all the urban centres of Warangal district. In this district the urban movement was stronger than the peasant movement.

On the eve of the reorganisation of the party centre the movement was poised to go to the next stage. But before proceeding to that a short mention must be made of the growth of the civil liberties movement which has and is playing a truly commendable role.

(7) Civil Liberties Movement

As AP has had a history of a strong communist movement which has faced continuous repression, there has also been a history of a strong civil liberties movement, involving lawyers, doctors, journalists, writers, etc. Many selfless civil liberties workers have also faced the wrath of the state and been killed, like Dr. Ramanadham of Warangal. In 1965 the first civil liberties organisation was formed with Sri Sri as president in the wake of the mass arrests of communists during the Indo-China war….. but this died out due to the absence of serious class struggles. Another body came into being in Hyderabad in the wake of the mass arrests and killings in Srikakulam and in March 1974 the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC) was formed, again with Sri Sri as president. Conducting fact findings, carrying out legal battles, fighting TADA cases, exposing police brutality and the fake ‘encounters’, APCLC has been a vibrant organisation. It has also built a network of units, going down to the district level.

(8) Formation of CPI (ML) (PW)

The CPI (ML)(People’s war) was formed on Lenin’s birth anniversary on April 22, 1980. The formation was part of a process to reorganise a centre for the all-India revolution after it went out of existence in 1972. As mentioned earlier, a similar attempt was made in 1974 when the COC (Central Organising Committee) was formed. This could not really get off the ground, though strenuous efforts were put in. This was dissolved in May 1977. So in fact the AP State Committee had to function without a central Committee from July 72 to January 1974 and again from May 1977 to April 1980.

The 1980 centre was formed on the basis of two basic documents; the first was the self-critical review and the second was the tactical line. The self-critical review was basically the same as that presented to the COC in 1975 with a few changes. The tactical line basically upheld the legacy of Naxalbari while rectifying the ‘left’ errors of that period. Both had been enriched by the practice of the preceding eight years.

After the COC became defunct in 1977 the AP PC (State Committee) did not again make attempts to unite with other revolutionary groups. Instead, it concentrated upon building extensive mass movements in AP based on the self-critical review. As a result, it was able to not only build powerful statewide movements among students, youth, and in the literary and cultural fronts, but also developed the peasant movements in Karimnagar and Adilabad districts of the Telangana region. This got recognition as powerful anti-feudal struggles not only in AP, but throughout the country. This success added to the credibility of the self-critical review. Hence, by the late 1970s other M-L groups like the Unity Organisation (UO) and the Tamil Nadu state committee of CPI (ML) came forward to unite with the AP PC. Unfortunately, due to differences on the question of formation of a CC, at that juncture the UO group did not join and the new CC was formed by the unification of the AP and Tamilnadu State Committees of the CPI (ML). The small Maharashtra group, then functioning in Bombay, also joined, having accepted the basic documents.

PART — 5


By the end of 1979 itself it became apparent that the government and landlords would resort to much more brutal repression for snuffing out the peasant struggles of Karimnagar and Adilabad. In order to face this situation it was imperative that, apart from extending the area of operation, the peasant movement be raised to a higher level.

In the course of any revolutionary movement critical moments are reached, when hard decisions have to be taken to advance the movement to a higher stage, or, get pushed back by the enemy forces. At such critical

moments any faltering, any hesitation to advance, leads to the loss of initiative on the part of the revolutionaries and can lead to confusion and disarray in the ranks. The movement in AP by 1979 had reached such a critical stage. To advance, now meant, making necessary preparations to take on, not only the landlord classes, but also the police and para-military forces. Preparation for such an eventuality, meant not only adoption of new forms of struggle, not only new methods of organisation, but also the military preparation of the party. Military preparations not only implies acquisition of weapons, but the political, organisational and military consciousness which enhances the Party’s striking capacity. Above all, it meant, that the people had to be mentally prepared to take on such a struggle.

To take a correct decision at such a crucial moment was a key factor to determine whether the movement would advance or retreat. It was, infact, at such crucial moments that the Indian Communist movement has faltered. On a number of occasions the anti-feudal, struggles had reached a high pitch, but when the Indian state machinery intervened with all its might the movements were either crushed, or, the leadership beat a hasty retreat. During the earlier Telangana movement (1948 to 1951) the leadership betrayed the movements, while the numerous anti-feudal struggles in the wake of the Naxalbari uprising were brutally crushed. It is in this context that the Party’s document ‘Perspective for a Guerilla Zone’ has a historical significance. The general line of taking the movement towards a guerilla zone and liberated base areas already existed in the tactical line. What was more relevant was to work out the concrete political, organisational and military details to take it in that direction. The guerilla zone document fulfilled this task. That too, at the right moment.

Guerilla Zone Perspective

Though the movement in Warangal and Khammam districts was at a lower level than that in Karimnagar and Adilabad the document combined all four districts in the proposed Guerilla Zone. The districts were closely interlinked and had a contiguous forest area. In order to take the movement towards a guerilla zone the document first and foremost, focussed on building the party deep amongst the masses. It outlined that not only all the mass organisations should be built at the village level and made functional, but also the village-level party cells should be built with part-timers. It also focussed on the chief party organisers, now called Central Organisers or COs, who were to move as a sort of mini-squad 1CO+2 Squad members) all of whom would be armed. Each CO group was to be allocated a fixed number of villages (15 to 20) to develop.

The document foresaw the fact that, when the government repression intensifies in the four districts it would become necessary to build a rear in the forests on the other side of the Godavari river – i.e. in the Dandakaranya forests. Given this reality, the document pointed out, that it was necessary to immediately make proper arrangements for such an eventuality.

Having said this, the document right away went on to outline the tasks of the squads that were to enter the Dandakaranya forests. It said, that these squads should take on the following tasks :

1) To provide protection to squads that temporarily retreat from the four districts of the guerilla zone and to help them to counter-attack the enemy.

2) To organise tribals in the forest areas and to extend the struggle, building the Party and revolutionary army from among them.

It also added, that as the prominance of point (2) increases, the task of the Dandakaranya movement would move in the direction of taking it to a higher plane.

Finally the document concretely suggested, that one-third of all organisers and committee members from North Telangana should be organised into squads and sent to the forests.

In accordance with this document, which had been thoroughly discussed throughout the Party in 1979 itself, in June 1980 seven squads (of about five to seven members each) entered the forests. Initially they faced immense problems in getting roots amongst the tribals, specifically in the light of the police repression and combing operations, that started immediately. Yet, before the enemy’s first suppression campaign began in 1985, the movement spread like wildfire, even beyond the Party’s expectations.

Movement’s Extension

In North Telangana, the movement extended to all the talukas of Karimnagar and Adilabad district, except one taluka in each. In Warangal district the focus developed from an urban to a rural movement. The movement in Khammam during this period faced some losses but that of Nizamabad saw big gains. The working class movement saw big gains amongst the one lakh and ten thousand coal miners in the Singareni coal belt.

In the Dandakaranya forests, the movement spread to the Gadchiroli, Chandrapur and Bhandara districts of Maharashtra; Bastar, Rajnandgaon and Balaghat districts of Madhya Pradesh, and to Koraput district in Orissa. In Andhra Pradesh the movement spread to the East Godavari and Vishakhapatnam forest areas.

(1) Dandakaranya

In Dandakaranya the movement was initiated by fighting against the arbitrary authority of government officials of the forest, revenue and excise department who had been ruthlessly plundering the tribals. Also, struggles broke out against the management of the paper mill and contractors exploiting the forest produce. Big movements were built for enhancing the wage rates for tendu leaf collection. Also, peasants were mobilised for raising the support price of cotton. From the very beginning land struggles was a major issue. Within the very first year the tribal peasantry stopped paying a variety of taxes to the forest department and began occupying forest land for cultivation. Within one year two lakh acres was occupied. Some land, forcefully occupied by traders and moneylenders was taken back. Also lands occupied by middle and rich peasants from the plains (non-tribals) was divided equally (50:50) amongst them and the problem settled. Anti-famine struggles took two forms – first, through the collection of paddy from donations; also paddy banks were started, where the peasants pool some amount of paddy in these banks at the time of the harvest and then draw on the stocks in times of need. Second, through famine raids on the houses of landlords, moneylenders and traders who hoarded grain. Thousands took part in the famine raids. Apart from these struggles, struggles were also taken up to stop the building of roads and cutting of forests and also for the recovery of losses suffered due to bauxite mining in Bailadilla (MP).

In the Dandakaranya region two big mass organisations were built – the Dandakaranya Adivasi Mazdoor Kisan Sangh (DAKMS) and the tribal women’s organisation KAMS (Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sanghatan). The Sangams grew in stature to become symbols of struggle to the tribals. Slowly all disputes began to be settled by the sangam, whether a village dispute, a family dispute, a marriage dispute, a caste dispute or something related to tribal customs or community affairs. Also a relentless struggle was waged against backward tribal customs and traditions like human sacrifice, witchcraft, superstitions resulting in ill-health and disease and against practices which do not allow women to fully cover their bodies.

In 1980, six party members, organised as a squad, crossed the Godavari and entered Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra. Squad members recount how the tribals just on seeing them would flee into the hills. When they entered villages there would not be a person left, except may be a few very old and some children. Chatting with the old, playing with the children, sometimes physically catching hold of tribals and forcing them to listen, was how the ‘Annas’ ( i.e. big brother as they are known) found their way into the hearts of the tribals…. and came to be loved by them. But, within six months of entering the area the 18 year old Peddi Shankar was shot in the back and became the first martyr on Maharashtrian soil. But, the movement grew, and with it Shankar became a legend……..a part of tribal folklore. By the time the Kamalapur Conference was called in 1984 the movement had grown like a tornado. The government banned the conference, sealed all roads leading to the village, arrested the speakers, journalists, students, folk artists-infact anyone who was moving in the direction of Kamalapur. From three days before the conference, police reinforcements combed the forests attacking and dispersing the tribal processions which flowed like streams, from all directions, towards Kamalapur. They encircled Kamalapur. Yet, on the day of the conference, playing hide-and-seek with the police, 10,000 tribals reached Kamalapur

and hoisted the DAKMS flag. The police lathi-charged…..the flag fluttered and then fell……but the conference was held…..not in Kamalapur but in Nagpur jail.

Specifically notable about the Dandakaranya movement was the awakening of women. The Sangam stood against forced marriages, against child marriages, and against all the age-old customs that degraded women. The KAMS became a powerful force with its own organisers, its own structures and its own revolutionary programme linking women’s liberation to the new democratic revolution. When the suppression began in 1985 the KAMS was as brutally attacked as was the DAKMS.

(2) North Telangana

While in this five year period the movement took roots in Dandakaranya, in North Telangana (NT) the movement spread and also grew more intense. In NT thousands of acres of government land (occupied by landlords) were distributed to the landless and in some areas even landlord’s land was seized. When the landlords began fleeing the villagesand tried to sell their land, the party imposed a ban on the purchase or sale of all

PART — 7


In 1990, due to the contradictions within the ruling classes, and because of the growing pressure of the peoples’ movement, the new Congress government in AP eased the repression for a while. So, during this brief period, which did not extend even to a full year, some open mass activity and mass meetings were allowed.

Whatever, in this brief period the party acted quickly to consolidate its mass base and also use the opportunity for a massive mobilisation of the people. The party concentrated on building the party leadership at the village level, by imparting training (political and military) to the village defense squads and village militants.

This time the big sweep in the land occupation movements was for the occupation of landlords (patta) land. Thousands of acres of land were occupied in AP and Dandakaranya. Also lakhs of people were mobilised on peasant issues like power cuts, writing off loans, remunerative prices for agricultural produce, reduction in rates of water cess, etc. The struggle against arrack contractors now became a struggle for the imposition of a total ban on the sale of liquor. The strike activity of the Singareni coal miners also reached a feverish pitch culminating in the September 1990 strike on workers’ varied demands. The strike involved 80, 000 workers and continued for 42 days until the major demands were won.

On the other hand, mobilisation of the masses in rallies, conferences, public meetings had reached a crescendo, disproving the lie that the People’s War Party was a terrorist group, with no mass base. This propaganda was widely disseminated not only by the government, but also by some revolutionary groups, and some who had deserted the party. In times of acute repression the legal mobilisation of masses in meetings etc., is not always possible. Without a mass base and a mass line no guerilla war can survive for long. Yet, when the repression was partially lifted by the new Chenna Reddy government, the masses rallied as never before in a display of affection for the party and as a symbol of condemnation against the inhuman attacks of the past five years.

The first meeting held was that of the RWA in January 1990 at Hyderabad which drew one lakh people; 2 lakh people attended the 18th anniversary celebration of the JNM on February 20 at Hyderabad; the April 20 Indravelli memorial meeting was attended by over one lakh people; the 22nd April meeting at Bellampalli was also attended by one lakh people; the meeting at Mandamarri by 50, 000. All these meetings finally culminated with the 3rd Conference of the Rytu Coolie Sangam on May 5/6 at Warangal with a rally the size of which has never been seen in the history of AP. The Conference was attended by 700 delegates and the public meeting and rally by over 10 lakhs ( i.e. one million) people.

Seeing the massive upsurge in the revolutionary movement the government was shaken, besides it had no need to continue with its demagogy as it had already come to power. By May 1990 itself the repression was stepped up; and in the May-December period alone ten thousand people had been arrested and six thousand implicated in false cases. Villages were again being raided and people being indiscriminately beaten and tortured. To terrorise the masses, they began shooting down sangam leaders in front of the people. By December 1990 all open activity throughout the state was being ruthlessly suppressed and once again, repression on an even higher scale than 1985, was unleashed.
PART — 8


Tasks in the New Conditions of Repression

Struggles Continues

Growing Armed Resistance

Till 1991, police operations were run separately by the respective state governments. But now the Central government set up a ‘Nodal Cell’ directly under the Home ministry, and a Joint Command of Operations came into being for the ongoing war of suppression. In December 1991 it rushed battalions of the BSF (Border Security Force) and ITBP (Indo-Tibetan Border Police) to Telangana to reinforce the already existing large force of CRPF, CISF and APSP. In May 1992 the AP government imposed a ban on the CPI(ML) (PW) and seven other revolutionary mass organisations (including RSU, RYL, RCS, JNM, SIKASA). Thus, what was earlier an undeclared war, was now turned into full scale counter-insurgency operations. Mass scale horrors, ‘encounter’ killings and forced ‘surrenders’ became the dominant feature for the suppression campaign. Within ten months about 160 encounters were staged killing over 200 persons. Thousands of people were arrested and tortured, houses were ransacked and crops and properties worth millions destroyed.

The method adopted was to encircle villages and then attack. The BSF, CRPF and the local police would gather forces ranging from 200 to 600 men and would suddenly swoop down and encircle a village or a group of villages, ransack all houses, destroy property and molest the women. Then, some suspect youth would be tortured and humiliated in front of all. All villagers, and especially the relatives of activists, would be served ultimatums to surrender the wanted persons. Some youth would be whisked away. In some villages this would be repeated a number of times in a single month.

Together with this suppression they combined vile propaganda, ‘reforms’, and set up their own rival ‘mass’ organisations. (eg. Janjagran Abhiyan in MP, and Shanti Sena in Maharashtra). The police officers themselves brought out handbills in the name of ‘praja vani’ (people’s voice), printed books, did propaganda through video films and through cultural troupes. The ‘reforms’ undertaken by a host of bodies (govt and semi-govt), involved giving grants varying from Rs. 20000 to Rs. 3 lakhs in the name rehabilitation, allotting house sites, granting land to chosen peasant youth – all with the aim of building a network of police informers in the villages. All these ‘reform’ schemes were run under direct supervision of the police. The police began setting up various organisations in the villages to try and isolate the revolutionaries, or, at least, build some support for their anti-people campaigns – the ‘village protection committees’ to gather information on squad movement, liquor prohibition committees, to create a network of informants amongst women, the so-called ‘Citizens forum’ to rival the village committees utilising the Sarpanchs and village elders and the Rajiv youth brigades to sponsor sport, drama, etc to wean away the youth.

The bulk of these organisations withered away with time, for lack of cooperation in the villages. But, during this period, through their informer network, they were able to apprehend and kill a number of leading party members. In January 1993 Com. Balanna, Warangal party district committee secretary and regional committee member, along with squad member Padmakka were murdered; on January 26, 1993, Com. Sankar, district committee secretary of Nizamabad and regional committee member was killed; Com. Vishwanath, of the Hyderabad city committee was murdered; also squad member Yerra Prasad and squad commander Naganna. But now, with each killing the funeral processions were turning into big political events. Breaking prohibitory orders, thousands and thousands would join the funeral procession, where hundreds would pledge to continue the work started by their heroic martyr. Between June 91 and end of 92 over 300 comrades had been killed.

This time the masses did not become frightened as in 1985….they were being steeled in armed struggle and slowly being drawn into the armed struggle against the state. But, with this new round of suppression, new tasks had to be formulated.

Tasks in the new conditions of Repression

The party had already declared that the Dandakaranya and North Telangana movements had reached the primary level of a guerilla zone. A guerilla zone is an area where both the revolutionaries and the ruling classes contend for power. In order to consolidate the primary level of guerilla zone reached by the movement in NT and DK, face the increasing state repression, and move to a higher level of guerilla zone, the party outlined the following tasks :

(i) To build two to three local guerilla squads under the central guerilla squad functioning at present, to gradually develop them into platoons

(ii) To separate political and military tasks in the squad area committee and to develop political and military leadership

(iii) To develop a military command from bottom to top

(iv) To consolidate the party organisation at the village level

(v) To establish the united front of revolutionary classes at the village level with the aim of establishing their political power through building the Gram Rajya Committees and to destroy the state power of the comprador bourgeoisie and landlord classes.

(vi) To establish peoples’ power by building village development committees, village defence squads, panchayat committees etc., under the leadership of the Gram Rajya Committee.

But once again during this period of severe repression the party was plunged into another internal crisis, this time led by the secretary of the CC KS and Company. While fighting KS’s opportunism and disruption within the party, it successfully faced the enemy onslaught by implementing the above guidelines. Though the movement faced problems, it was not as severe as in 1985. Though the peoples movement receded temporarily, this time there were no problems of food or providing protection to the squads.

Struggles Continue

In the initial phase of the repression a lot of the land occupied lay fallow. But slowly, due to the efforts of the local organisation, cultivation of these lands once again began. By end of 1994 land occupation struggles also picked up. Many landlords also began surrendering before the peasant associations. During this period the party worked out a policy on how land distribution should be done and the political and ideological criteria for this was set.

On peasant issues, a big movement developed for the reduction of fertiliser prices. With the government bowing to World Bank pressure the subsidy on fertilisers had been reduced and prices shot up. As the government did not restore the subsidies, merchants began selling fertilisers at exorbitant black market prices. Thousands rallied under the leadership of the sangams, raided fertiliser and pesticide shops and seized large stocks of fertilisers and pesticides. The peasants resisted the police lathi charge. Due to these movements blackmarketeering was reduced. In some areas peasants also refused to pay back bank loans and the hiked electricity charges. Besides, there had been big movements for the regular supply of electricity which was essential for running the water pumps.

On the workers front, besides the coal miners, RTC (bus transport) workers and bidi workers were organised in a big way during this period. Between 1990 and 1995 SIKASA had organised 1, 825 strikes which reached a new peak on April 14, 1995 when one lakh workers went on a twenty day strike demanding settlement of the 5th wage board agreement. Though the strike was opposed by the official trade unions over 90% of the workers struck work. This strike forced the wage board agreement on April 28 in Calcutta. But as the agreement was a sell-out, the strike was revived from October 16 to November 14, 1995. Big successes have been achieved through these struggles. The RTC drivers and conductors have been facing humiliating conditions of work under the establishment unions. Slowly, the workers have been shifting towards revolutionary politics and in some districts, like Nizamabad underground unions like AKASA (APSRTC Karmika Samakhya) have been established. In 1996 this union formed a front which led a series of agitations around a 60-point character of demands of which many have been granted. Bidi workers, mostly women, have also been organised around their demands.

Another unique struggle that took place during this period was the struggle of the prisoners. On the eve of the TDP’s electoral victory in 1994, the revolutionaries in jail sent an open letter to NTR, placing a charter of 54 demands, of which eleven were political, while the rest related to jail conditions. On December 26, 1994 revolutionaries lodged in the central jails of Secunderabad, Chanchalguda, Vishakhapatnam, Rajahmundry, Warangal and district jails of Cuddapah, Nellore and Karimnagar jointly launched an indefinite hunger strike. The hunger strike received immense support from the other prisoners particularly the Muslim TADA detainees. Outside the jail, democrats swung into action in support of the prisoners movement. On January 4, 1995 the Home minister accepted 42 demands. Later the government back-tracked. On January 12, 1995 12 life-convicts in Hyderabad jail went on a fast-unto-death. The revolutionaries organised the prisoners for relay hunger strikes. From February 1, the prisoners went on an indefinite hunger strike, supported by relay hunger strikes outside prison. The movement gathered momentum outside the jail. The government reacted arresting intellectuals, writers, artists and other democrats. On February 9, prisoners resorted to a ‘Jail Bandh’ boycotting all daily duties. On February 15 a statewide bandh was called by the CPI (ML) (PW) in support of the struggle. On February 21 a ‘Chalo Secretariat’ rally and public meeting was organised. Finally, the government bowed down accepting, in writing, 40 of the demands.

Till today the masses continue their struggles. They have their ups and downs, depending on the intensity of repression….but already they have won large benefits to the oppressed masses.

Growing Armed Resistance

It is September 1993. Village Padkal in the Sirnapalli area of Nizamabad district. Meetings and discussions are just over. It was getting dark and just as the squad was preparing to leave the shelter on the outskirts of the village, all of a sudden hundreds of police surround the house and begin a barrage of fire on the house. Two of the women comrades are caught, mercilessly beaten and kept hostage by the police. The squad returns the fire but a burst of fire from the window of neighbouring house kills Sanjeev, the Deputy Commander. Now the police are also on the terrace, lobbying into their room tear-gas shells. It becomes unbearable and the bullets are running out. In spite of the heavy firing by the police, the squad stops the return of fire. It is 4.00 a.m. The police hearing nothing from the house decide to enter. As they rush up the stairs one policeman is shot dead. Others retreat, and as an act of vengeance they brutally kill the two women comrades.

The non-stop firing, tear-gas continues. It is 8.00 the next morning. Three comrades are left. But Com. Gopi gets hit by a bullet and is seriously injured. Squad commander Swamy and Com. Kranti continue the battle. It is now 1.00 p.m. in the afternoon. The DIG arrives and calls out the Swamy and Kranti to surrender, promising safe passage. Kranti decides to surrender, Swamy tries to persuade him of the futility. He hesitates, but after half an hours discussion (under continuous fire) he surrenders. Meanwhile, as Swamy is fighting the enemy single handed he finds Gopi trying to shoot himself. He prevents him. Gopi says that anyway he will fall into the enemy’s hands, so it is better to die. Swamy, consoles him and pervades him to fight to the end. Some time later, Gopi pulls the trigger with his foot and dies.

It is now 7.00 p.m. on the second day. The police set fire to a part of the house. He walks towards the staircase and finds the dead policeman’s A.K-47. He picks it up. Suddenly, sending a burst of fire, Swamy jumps over the broken walls of the house, and makes a drive for the bye lanes of the village. The police, stunned fire in his direction. But swamy has escaped into the lanes. The village is surrounded. No chance of getting out. He hides in a haystock. But soon thirst is killing him. Over 24 hours and not a drop of water. He comes out towards the nearest house. They give him water, but, terrified, ask him to go. He finds a garbage dump, covers himself with cowdung, and hides there the whole night. Meanwhile the police are searching every corner of the village, particularly the haystacks.

It is morning of the third day. The mother of the house comes to wash the vessels. As she throws the waste water on the garbage heap, it moves. She yells with fright. Swamy come out, explains that he is ‘anna’. He tell the frightened mother, he will go. She runs after him, saying, wait, they will kill you. After much hesitation, fear, she keeps him in a safe place. During the whole day she gives him food. She gives him the information that they have killed Kranti and cremated all five comrades. She asks him to leave at night. He does not, as he would be caught in the uniform. The next day the mother brings him a dress, she plans a disguise and leads him through a safe path into the forests. A few days later, militants come and take away the A.K-47 hidden in the village.

And so the Padkal encounter has become a landmark in heroism and courage. But Swamy is not alone. Last year the SIKASA DCM, Com. Sammi Reddy (alias Ramakant, Ashok) was similarly surrounded by over 500 police while he was taking shelter in the heart of the coal mining colony in Mancherial. In broad-day light, in front of thousands a nine hour gun battle ensued. In it, Ramakanth killed CI and a constable. Finally, the police burnt the house down, killing him and the lady sympathiser.

And so, the squads are learning to fight back. The government has been getting more and more ruthless. In the 1985-89 period 250 comrades were killed; in the 1990-94 period 500; and in the two years upto mid ’96 another 210, in the last eight months about 100. These include leading comrades like Puli Anjanna, AP State Committee Secretary, Comrades Venkataswamy, Reddappa and Sudarshan – AP State Committee members; Regional Committee member Com. Shankar, District Committee members Comrades Sammi Reddy and Allam Manohar, a number of leading lady squad members like Swarupa, Rukma bai, Lalita …..

With such a brutal offensive of the government, the Party has also been giving experience to hit back. In just the nine months between March 1996 and November 1996 the guerilla squads have conducted four raids on police camps – on Potkapally PS in Karimnagar district, on Yellavaram PS in East Godavari district, on Manpur PS in Rajanandgaon district of MP, and on Sirpur PS of Adilabad district – seizing 97 weapons of which 26 were semi-automatic SLRs. This was followed by the Karakagudem raid in Khammam district in January 97 giving a further cache of weapons. Besides these major raids, several Sparrow actions were conducted in North Telangana resulting in a further 20 weapons in 1996 and killing of 25 policemen in October/November ’96.

In any guerilla war, it is the enemy that is the main source of weapons. In the unequal war between the poorly-trained, ill-equipped guerillas with an inferior numerical strength on the one hand, and the well-equipped, highly-trained, overwhelmingly superior enemy force on the other, it is only by means of innumerable guerilla attacks, that the people’s armed forces can gradually accumulate strength.

PART — 9


Besides these movements on partial demands the party has mobilised the masses on various political issues. Dharnas, rasta rokos, public meetings have been held on – implementation of the Mandal Commission report, on support of the nationality struggles, on support of the minorities and against the destruction of the Babri Maszid, in support of Dalits and against the Dalit killings at Karamchedu and Chundur, and against womens’ oppression. Big agitations were taken against the New Economic Policies, against the GATT accord and the IMF and World Bank. Every year April 15 (the day the Dunkel accord was signed) is observed as anti-imperialist day. On that day, meetings, dharnas, processions are held in village after village and in many places effigies of Dunkel and PV Narasimha Rao have been burnt. Also, as a rule, in every area, every year: January 26 and August 15 are observed by hoisting black flags, wearing black badges and holding protest meeting against this fake independence; May 21st is observed as anti-repression day and December 6th as Black Day-against communalism. Also on every May Day the Red Flag is hoisted and celebrations are held and March 8 is celebrated as International Women’s Day.

One of the most important political struggles, right from the inception of the Party, has been the ‘boycott election’ campaign. During the surcharged atmosphere of the elections it has been the most effective time to carry the political programme of the Party and educate the masses on the need to negate this farcical democracy and take to the path of armed agrarian revolution for a truely New Democratic society. India, not having gone through a bourgeois democratic revolution, has a parliamentary scaffolding built around an autocratic semi-feudal, semi-colonial state structure. Parliament is used as an important weapon to pacify the masses, divert their attention from struggle and lead them astray. In India, participation in elections has no practical value whatsoever…….. and this has now been proved by the electoral semantics of many a revolutionary group. They continue to flounder as marginal entities, while those boycotting and leading the armed struggle are a growing force.

The CPI (ML) originally, and then the CPI (ML) (PW), has continuously taken up wide ‘boycott election’ campaign during each election. Handbills, posters, street plays, song and dance programmes etc. , have been conducted on a huge scale, to educate the masses during each election……whether it is to the Lok Sabha, or the state assemblies or even the local gram panchayats. This campaign, so frightens the government, that during each successive election, it has been bringing in larger and larger police and para-military forces and resorting to intense repressive measures.

This particularly climaxed in the 1994 AP assembly elections when the government moved in 70, 000 para-military forces. During this brief period thousands of youth were rounded up and villagers were informed that if they did not vote, the arrested youth of their village would be killed. Suspected militants were publicly tortured and many were taken as human shields as the police rampage continued. Their message was simple – VOTE, or else……. Vote for any party, they would say, but vote you must !! Finally, during the election week itself, between November 27 and December 3, 1994, 36 comrades were killed in so-called ‘encounters’. But inspite of this terror the boycott campaign continued.

Today in many of the guerilla zone areas, elections to many Gram Panchayats have not taken place. There is no Sarpanch and much of the work of the erstwhile gram panchayats is being conducted by Village Development Committees under Party leadership.

PART — 10


Economic Gains

Political Authority of Peasant Committees

Social Transformation

A mere glance at the lives of the people in the Guerilla Zones of Dandakaranya and North Telangana would be sufficient for the people of the country to welcome the new society being born in central India. In it, we can discern in an embryonic form the birth of the New Democratic India of the future. The changes in the guerilla zones are not just partial, not just material they are all-encompassing. With the economic, political and social changes taking place in DK and NT a new man is being born…. the socialist man. The dreams of Charu Mazumdar are turning to a reality. Naxalbari, that had blazed a new path for the people of our country, has taken a leap forward in the direction towards its final goal. The goal, is still, no doubt distant, there are yet hundreds of hurdles and obstacles to cross, but, the direction set by Naxalbari has proved correct. What is more, the last two and a half decades of experience, has cleared the hazy vision that was there at the start, has removed many of the cobwebs, has swept aside the years of muck accumulated by the revisionists, and has created a new hope for the bright future of our country.

But, what do we see as we walk through the villages, plains and forests of Dandakaranya and North Telangana ?

Economic Gains

The economic benefits gained through the movement have been quite substantial. First, the gigantic loot of the masses by the officials, specifically of the forest department, revenue department and of officials at various levels of the bureaucracy, has come to an end. Today, even the Gram Panchayats and Sarpanchs (whenever they continue to exist) are under complete scrutiny of the villagers led by the party and all government schemes are strictly implemented according to the decisions of the village bodies and all accounts are thoroughly checked. All this, in itself is a big gain, but it was only the beginning.

The major issue for the welfare of the masses has been the land question. With the landless and poor peasants comprising a large majority of the population, land distribution has been a key aspect of the movement. Lakhs and lakhs of acres of government land, waste land and forest land have been occupied by the landless. Thousands of acres of landlords land has been confiscated, some lie fallow, the rest has been redistributed to the landless and poor peasants. Besides, in making full use of the government schemes a large number of peasants have been able to dig wells, borewells etc and irrigate their land. So, what 15 years back was a large mass of people eking out a subsistence existence, are today peasants with at least three acres of land taking out one or two crops. This has made a big change in the economic conditions of the poorest. Also, in many villages, orchards of the landlords have been taken over by the peasants and now the fruits are distributed to all the villagers.

In labour rates there has been quite an increase all around. On the question of agricultural labour, the daily wage rates have increased three fold in the course of these years. Also, earlier the hours of work were indefinite and much unpaid labour went to the landlord. Now there is – now a strict eight hour working day and of course, the question of unpaid labour no longer exists. For yearly employed labour, the rates have more than doubled from Rs. 5000 yearly to Rs. 9000 to Rs. 12000 yearly. The biggest gains have been in the tendu leaf collection struggles and the bamboo cutting struggles (against the paper mills). In 1982 the contractors gave a mere three paise per bundle (of 75 leaves)….with yearly struggles, strikes, attacks on contractors’ godowns….the rates have steadily increased to 17 paise by 1984 and 80 paise by 1993. Today they get over a rupee per bundle. The difference can be estimated from the fact that where as earlier a family barely earned Rs. 200 in the leaf plucking season (of roughly one month) now they earn anything from Rs. 2000 to Rs. 5000. In parts of NT where the government refuses to give decent rates (having taken over the task from the contractor) the villagers sell their leaves privately. In bamboo cutting, the contractors, under the paper mills, gave a mere 30 paise per bundle (of 20 pieces of 2 meters length) in 1982. In 1996 the rate was Rs. 5.35 paise per bundle. Today bidi workers get roughly Rs. 30 to Rs. 32 for rolling 1000 bidis with a large number of other benefits. This can be compared to their counterparts in neighbouring Maharashtra who get barely Rs. 15 for 1000 bidis with no benefits. Then there have been struggles for an improvement in wages of tractor and lorry drivers, a big improvement in conditions of work of RTC bus workers and most important of all has been the struggles of the one lakh ten thousand workers of Singareni coal mines. They have achieved gains in wages linked with local issues, in better housing conditions, better schooling for their children, better hospital and sports facilities and on hundreds of small issues linked to exploitation and oppression by the management.

The peasantry too have made gains. They are now more easily able to utilise government schemes, bank loans, etc which were earlier cornered by the various rungs of the bureaucracy. Then there have been major struggles for the reduction in price of agricultural inputs-like seeds, fertilisers and pesticides, electricity charges, water cess, etc. Added to this there have been movements for getting a remunerative price for their produce…..they have successfully raised the price of cotton, sugarcane, tobacco, haldi and some other crops. Also in the forest areas they have successfully struggled against the traders and raised the price of various forest produce like Mahua, brooms, Pauvuru leaf and bark, ginjala nuts, baskets etc.

Then, general conditions have improved by putting an end to usury. The party has instructed that a maximum of 2% per month can be charged as interests on loans – earlier it was a minimum of 10% per month. Also, all traders and merchants have been strictly instructed to sell, their merchandise at not more than a 10% margin. Earlier these traders charged extortionist rates from villagers.

These are some of the economic gains, others are linked to overall village development.

Political Authority of the peasant committees

The peasant upsurge in DK and NT has smashed the authority of the landlords and established the power of the peasant committees. The more notorious landlords have been eliminated, others have fled to the cities, and many of the smaller ones have surrendered before the peasant committees. Initially it was the various mass organisations under the leadership of the party that dominated the village. The peasants were organised into the various peasant associations (RCS, DAKMS, etc), the youth into the RYL (those not involved in agriculture) the students into RSU and the women into the womens’ organisations ( i.e. KAMS in DK and Mahila Vimukti Sangham in NT). These organisations, led by the party, virtually guided all-spheres of village life including the arbitration of inter personal problems.

But with the decision to establish DK and NT as primary-level guerilla zones, and, the call ‘All Power to the Peasant Committees’ taking shape, the organs of political power began to grow in these areas. The chief organ of political power is the revolutionary peasant committees or Gram Rajya Committee (GRC) as they are known. Also, an important organisation, first to harass the enemy and later also to establish the authority of the peasant committees, is the village defence squads – or Gram Rakshak Dal (GRD).

These organs of power are slowly taking shape throughout the guerilla zone. The GRC is being formed only where there is at least one party member to lead it. It is a united front of the various classes in the village – i.e. landless and poor peasant, middle peasant and in some places also the rich peasant. Under the GRC are three committees with five members each (two of whom are from the GRC). These are the (i) Co-operative Society (ii) the Village Development Committee (VDC) and (iii) the Panchayat Committee.

Co-operative Societies are being set up in many villages to help the peasants with loans etc- in times of need, specifically inputs during the monsoon. The society is set up with a corpus made with (i) a fixed contribution from each family (ii) donation from the party and (iii) money misappropriated and recovered from, say Sarpanch’s, some local Temple trusts etc. An interest of 1.5% per month is charged on the loans.

The Village Development Committee has two major tasks – first to utilise government schemes for the benefit of the village, and second to plan and organise development projects for the village. All over the guerilla zone it can be seen that the VDCs are functioning, undertaking : repairs and building roads, (in NT) schools, drainage schemes, water facilities and in some places even irrigation projects like tanks, bunds and small dams have been built. All the projects are built through voluntary labour (Shramdan) of the villagers and funds donated through collections. For larger projects like Dams the party assists by acquiring the use of tractors and lorries (free) owned by rich peasants, with diesel bought by the party. A few projects are of the size that can irrigate upto 1000 hectares. The VDC has also organised teachers for running schools which are not functioning.

The Panchayat Committee is basically to arbitrate disputes within the village – a ‘peoples’ court’ to settle problems and contradiction arising in the village. It can also meet out punishments if the crime is serious or recurring.

All committees are democratically elected and have yearly general body meetings to review the work of the committees.

Social transformation

The two major social evils of our society – caste oppression and women’s oppression – are much reduced in the guerilla zones – by conscious intervention and education by the party.

Earlier, even eight to ten years back, in village hotels SCs were made to drink out of separate glasses and were victims of extra-economic forms of coercion by the landlord (eg. Vetti-chakiri or unpaid labour, utilisation of their women etc). With the smashing of the landlord authority, these extra-economic forms of coercion have, of course, ended. Also, oppression of scheduled castes is now minimum with close interaction between all castes within the sanghams and committees. As SCs come from the poorer sections they will be found on most village-level committees. Also, inter-caste marriages, which were unheard of before, are now taking place with full support of the party (even if opposed by the families or village elders).

A lot of emphasis has been put on ending women’s oppression by consistent education of the villagers and supporting women in many cases of oppression. Wife beating, discarding women if unable to beget children, etc are all being fought. Dowry taking has been banned, and, if at all it takes place, has to be done secretly. Women are being encouraged to come out of the four walls of their house and participate in the social and political life of the village. The women’s organisations are playing an important role. Also irrational traditions like removal of bindi and bangles with the death of the husband, are being fought. Normally, all committees at the village level are encouraged to have at least one woman member.

Added to these, superstitious beliefs are being countered and a scientific temper encouraged. Specifically in the realm of health care this is being emphasised. Many of the irrational and traditional customs amongst tribals are slowly changing. Education is being encouraged and anyone who enters the party or even mass organisation activists, are first made literate.

Now, in the entire guerilla zone areas drinking of liquor has been banned. Through patient education over the years and with the mobilisation of women, long before the AP government brought in prohibition, drinking had been reduced to a minimum. With this, much social tensions in the village and in the family has been reduced and economic conditions of a large section of people bettered. Also, since the last few years, the party has issued a total ban on cutting forest trees. Even fire-wood is to be only collected from the dry and dead branches. Previously, entire tribal villages existed on felling the forest and selling the wood in nearby urban centres – now, these same people, live by agriculture. An environmental consciousness is brought to the people by educating them about the importance of forests for rain.

These economic, political and social changes which are clearly visible in the guerilla zone areas of DK and NT are to a large extent also visible, if to a lesser degree, in the other three regions which are at the preparatory stage of guerilla zone-that is the Eastern Zone, the South Telangana region and the Nallamala forest region. But, the leading factor in all this change has been the Party.

PART — 11


Continuing the Legacy of Naxalbari

The development of the party structures grew with the development of the movement. In North Telangana the movement was first built by Central Organisers in the 1+2 system i.e., one CO with two squad members. By 1985 all centres had adopted this system. But with the first round of suppression between 1987 and 89 these developed into squads having 5 to 7 members. At present the squads have 9 to 11 members. In DK, the forest squads started with 5 members, now they have 11 members. Now steps are being taken to form platoon size squads – where in one squad area (50 to 60 villages) there will be a CGS (Central Guerilla Squad) under which will function two to three LGS (Local Guerilla Squads) of roughly seven members each. Each of these LGS will be given responsibility for 20 villages.

In the beginning the squads comprised of chiefly party members. But as the squads grew, non-party members also entered. Since 1992 in each squad there is a Squad Area Committee (SAC) of three members which is now the chief party unit within the squad-responsible for the political and organisational tasks in their areas of operation. Each SAC member would have a responsibility of roughly 20 villages. Village party cells began to develop since 1983, but the bulk of them were smashed during the first suppression campaign in 1985-87. Since then, they have been steadily growing and today, a wide network of village party cells exist under each SAC. With these party cells have also grown the village defence squads-both function under directions from the SAC.

First the entire movement was under the AP PC (which functioned under the CC). Under the APPC was the North Telangana regional committee and in 1982 a Forest Liaison Committee (FLC) was setup to guide the DK movement. In March 1987 the first Forest Party Conference was held and a forest committee with 5 members elected. By 1990, with the growth of the movement, this was expanded to seven members with a three member secretariat.

Now with the growth of the movement there are three independent committees (of status of state committees) functioning directly under the Central Committee. These are :

(i) The AP State Committee under which function three regional committees – Coastal-Rayalaseema Joint Regional Committee, South Telangana Regional Committee and East Zone Regional Committee.

(ii) Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee- under which function the four divisional committees of Gadchiroli, Bhandara/Balaghat, South Bastar and North Bastar.

(iii) North Telangana Special Zonal Committee – under this are the district committees of Karimnagar, Adilabad, Nizamabad, Warangal, NTFD (North Telangana Forest Division comprising the adjoining forest areas of Karimnagar, Warangal, Khammam) and the Singareni Belt Committee.

The party centre has concentrated in raising the political and military level of the organisation. For each level of party leadership, political courses and classes are held. Military training camps are also held at various levels – for village militants, for squad members and also, a central training camp. Each state committee brings out its own political organ which propagates the line set by the Central Committee and also takes up the problems of its area.

With this the overall military and political level of the party has grown.

Militarily, it can be seen in the growing number of successful actions….the number of raids on the police in 1996 was eleven and the number of rifles snatched between March 1996 and November 1996 was 130.

Politically, this growth can be seen by the preparations and successful conclusion of the party’s All India Special Conference held in November 1995.

Continuing the Legacy of Naxalbari

A full quarter century after the holding of the 8th Congress – the founding Congress – of the CPI (ML), the All India Special Conference of the Party was held in November 1995. Though it was a conference, it had the stature of a Congress as it adopted the four basic documents of the party : (i) the Party Programme and Constitution, (ii) Strategy and Tactics, (iii) Political Resolution and (iv) the Political and Organisational Review.

Earlier, these four draft documents had been thoroughly discussed throughout the party and passed (with amendments, if necessary) at the various regional and state conferences before being presented before the All India Conference for adoption. These state conferences had also reviewed the work in their own respective states and had taken decisions on rectification and development of the movements in the states of Tamilnadu, Karnataka and Maharashtra. Also the units of West Bengal and Haryana set out tasks for building the revolutionary movements in their states. Besides the four major documents, a special resolution adopting the self-critical review of 1980 was passed. Also in a detailed discussion, delegates expressed their opinion on another document : “The Indian Revolutionary War – Guerilla Zones” and authorised the CC to finalise it.

The Conference was attended by 41 delegates (including three women delegates) from AP, North Telangana, Dandakaranya, Tamilnadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Haryana and a few other regions and a fraternal delegate from the COC CPI (ML) Party Unity. The Conference was held deep in the forests, guarded by armed guerillas and went on for about 20 days. After detailed discussions the draft documents were adopted with some amendments. The Conference also approved the financial report. In the process of election of a new Central Committee, the out-going COC members first put forward their individual self-criticisms, on which delegates made their comments….then a new CC was elected. The Conference finally adopted seven special resolutions : (i) On expulsions, (ii) Hailing the National liberation struggles and workers’ struggles throughout the world, (iii) Condemning imperialist propaganda against Marxism-Leninism-Mao Ze Dong Thought (iv) Hailing the revolutionary struggles of other countries (v) Supporting the Nationality struggles in India (vi) Demanding Com. Gonzalo’s release and (vii) Calling for united struggle against Indian expansionism.

This Conference was the true successor to the 1970 founding Congress of the CPI (ML) as it upheld the spirit of Naxalbari and reaffirmed the basic political positions taken at the Eighth Congress. The Programme and Constitution passed in 1970 was updated and refined at this Conference, the Tactical Line (now called Strategy and Tactics) adopted in 1980 was further refined with the experience of the past fifteen years which was summed up in the Political and Organisational Review. The Political Resolution analysed the present national and international conditions taking cognizance of the important political and economic changes that have occurred in the last decade.

This Conference gave a new hope to the revolutionaries of the country; a hope that the three magic weapons needed for the success of the Indian revolution – an all India Party, a Peoples’ Army and a Revolutionary United Front – would soon become a reality.

PART — 12


Today, besides building a number of guerilla zones in other parts of the country, an important task put forward has been to raise the guerilla zone, that are at present, at a primary level, to a higher level,

where the Gram Rajya Committees and local peoples’ militia become a common form of organisation in the villages,

where guerilla squads assume more and more the form of a Platoon throughout the zones,

where guerilla warfare advances from the present stage of actions by smaller units, to a new stage, where bigger units conduct operations by concentrating forces,

and where a centralised military command from bottom to top, emerges.

Such a guerilla zone will be more stable and yet another step forward in the long march to final victory.

Already today, the party wields considerable influence over a population of six crores spread out over an area of about three lakh square kilometers covering the two primary level guerilla zones and the three guerilla zones that are at a preparatory stage. The Dandakaranya guerilla zone, with a population of eight million, comprise portions of two districts from Maharashtra and three from Madhya Pradesh; while the North Telangana Guerilla Zone, with a population of 12 million, comprise five districts of the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh. The three areas that are at a preparatory stage of guerilla zone are :

(i) Eastern Zone, with a population of 18 million covering four districts of North Andhra and two districts of Orissa.

(ii) South Telangana Region, with a population of 11 million, embracing four districts of the Telangana region.

and (iii) Nallamala forest region, comprising portions of some five districts of Andhra Pradesh.

Yet this is only a small beginning, as India is a vast country with a population of over 90 crores. Besides Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Dandakaranya region and pockets of influence elsewhere the rest of the country is yet to be drawn towards revolutionary politics. But, the revolutionaries are not alone; strong democratic movements, particularly the armed struggles of the nationalities are gnawing into the foundations of the Indian ruling classes.

Besides, the Indian ruling classes are themselves in a deep crisis and not even able to form a stable government at the Centre. In just one year, since the last general elections, the government has changed three times. The imperialists are tightening their grip over the Indian economy, dashing like mad elephants to every corner of the country trampling under foot the national aspirations and patriotic sentiments of the Indian people. The Indian collaborators, the traitors, who today run the country, are slowly getting exposed for what they really are – quislings of foreign capital, agents of big business and the multinationals and enemies of the people and country. They owe their survival to the extensive semi-feudal base on which they depend….but this is getting eroded with the growing armed agrarian movements. All the parliamentary parties, no matter what their shade or colour, have come to be seen as direct brokers of these business and feudal interests, making crores through ‘scams’, deals, kickbacks, links with the mafia and by defrauding the treasury. The stench from the parliamentary pig-sty is getting unbearable and each call to clean it, results in added filth accumulating.

Charu Mazumdar and the leaders of Naxalbari had predicted this thirty years back. What they said then has become a reality today. The reactionaries tried to muffle the voice of the revolutionaries so that the truth would not come out. In the first phase of Naxalbari, in just the five years upto 1972, they butchered over ten thousand revolutionaries. But, the voice of truth and justice could not be muffled. They tried again in the Emergency, killing, maiming, arresting thousands of revolutionaries, democrats and even many of their own class. But the more they tried to muffle it, the more intense it got. In 1977 the voice of justice burst forth with even greater fury than ever before. Then came the new revolutionary upsurge of the 80s and 90s. Yet again they sought to smother the voice of the revolutionaries. In these sixteen years since the formation of the CPI (ML) (People’s war) about one thousand revolutionaries and their supporters have laid down their lives for the liberation of the oppressed masses of our country. Many have also been martyred in Bihar.

But the voice of revolution, the voice of freedom, justice and equality is getting ever more intense. The lives of the heroic martyrs did not go in vain, their voices echo again and again in the hills and valleys of the countryside, reaching a crescendo …..causing terror in the hearts of the reactionaries. Like the proverbial phoenix, Naxalbari has no death; it rises again and again from the ashes, shattering the long, dark night of gloom and despair, becoming the siren song, awakening the people of our country.

Posted in Books | 7 Comments »

CPI Maoist booklet on Salwa Judam

Posted by Indian Vanguard on September 17, 2007

Note: This is an old booklet published by CPI Maoist on Salwa judam.We  repost it for archive.



As we go to the Press

Anand Bazaar Patrika (Suprakash Chakravarti) has reported on  24th November 2006 that, "An Empowered Group of Central Ministers has been constituted at the top most level to keep a strict watch for  the suppression of Naxalites. This indicates that the other high level   committees constituted so far are not being considered sufficient to
deal with the situation. This group formed with the special sanction of  the Prime Minister consists of 7 Central Ministers including Home Minister Shivraj Patil, Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, and Ministers  for Rural Development, Panchayati Raj Institutions, Forests & Environment, Tribal Affairs and Law and Justice.

The Deputy Chairman  of the Planning Commission Montek Singh Ahluwalia shall be a permanent invitee. The group shall include the Chief Ministers of Naxalaffected states – West Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra. Clearance has been obtained  for co-opting Chief Ministers of other states and other Central Ministers if necessary. The agenda for the group, as laid down by the Cabinet
Secretary, is to enhance more meaningful and effective co-ordination  between the Centre and States, recommend exchange of officials (security), and to carry out a thorough-going analysis of the Naxalite  problem including political, security and socio-economic aspects." ome well meaning intellectuals are urging that the  revolutionaries should engage in talks with the government.

In this situation when, it is clear that the State is gearing up for more and more brutal assault – not only through military escalation, vigilante  groups and informer networks against the revolutionaries, but also through increased repression on the vast masses of the people; when  the government is refusing to negotiate with agitating peasants, displaced adivasis, striking workers; when they are not prepared to  permit even the revolutionary womens organization Mahila Mukti Manch  to observe 8th March at Ambikapur (district Sarguja, Chhattisgarh). Where is the question of holding talks? We earnestly appeal to the intellectuals to consider this question deeply.

CPI (Maoist)
Chhattisgarh State Committee


This booklet is not a theoretical work. It is an attempt to compile  lively factual detail from the ground, from the so-called mainstream media and journals, reputed researchers and experts and most of  all from the enemy itself about what is happening in Bastar today, and its relation with the world situation. We have minimized  references to party documents because we are confident that an honest analysis of the facts, a "joining of the dots" can only give a  picture that vindicates our party's understanding.
In the appendix, we have included two replies from our central  leadership which answer some serious questions that are raised by many intellectuals . Though, these two are independent publications,  these deal with some of the central issues on the subject matter of this booklet. So, we have provided these here so that much of the  imprtant related matter is available to the readers in one place.

Today there is an unprecedented hatred among the broad  masses of people all over the world against imperialism, manifested as the American Empire, bringing hunger, devastation, and war in its  wake. There is also growing resistance exemplified by Iraq. No doubt the revolutionary forces are relatively weak in the face of this  challenge, and after the capitalist restoration in USSR and China, revisionism poses the gravest threat ideologically. Yet Comrade Mao  has taught us that even a small force, which has grasped the ideological line firmly and which is deeply integrated with the masses 
in its revolutionary practice, can prove to be the spark that starts the prairie fire. At this juncture our party, the CPI (Maoist), having supreme  confidence in the struggling people, is giving a determined fight  ideologically against revisionism, politically against imperialism and its lackeys, and militarily against the armed forces of the Indian State
in Dandakaranya, Jharkhand, Bihar, and all over India.

The people of India are struggling everywhere – usually  spontaneously, limitedly. They are often cheated, most often betrayed and always brutally repressed. The purpose of this booklet is to bring to them the shining example of the people's war of resistance in
Bastar, where under the leadership of the party, the masses of adivasi people are bravely engaging at the very battlefront of the imperialist onslaught, to stop the loot of the country and the adivasi areas in  particular, and to bring about a new society.

Finally, we dedicate this booklet to all the martyrs, from Bastar to Iraq, who are laying down their lives each day, to give death blows to the monstrous imperialist war machine.

CPI (Maoist)
30-11-2006. Chhattisgarh State Committee


Introduction 7

Chapter 1 A Factual Description of Salwa Judum 13

Chapter 2 The Class Basis: Concrete role of  34
the Feudals, CBB & Imperialists

Chapter 3 LPG Onslaught: No less than a war 43
against the whole people

Chapter 4 The Mechanisms of Imperialist Rule: 67
Politico-Economic & Politico-Military

Chapter 5 The State sends out its invading 75
occupational army

Chapter 6 The People's War of Resistance 85
in Bastar (Chhattisgarh) & Jharkhand

Conclusion 94

Appendix 1 Letter of the CPI (Maoist) to the ICI. 102

Appendix 2 Excerpts from the article "Maoists in India – 116
A Rejoinder", sent by the CPI (Maoist) to the
Economic & Political Weekly in reply to an
issue of the same name.


There remains a great confusion among the vast masses of India  as to what exactly is happening in Bastar in the present war-like situation. The corporate controlled media has been functioning as the Goebbelsian propaganda arm of the Indian state. With utter
disregard for the devastation caused to lakhs of adivasis/tribals, or to  the truth on the ground, the press hand-outs by combatant officials come out as news.

The well known agents of imperialists like Manmohan, Chidambaram, Montek and Raman Singh are running governments on the dictat of their imperialist masters. They have a political  compulsion to hide from the masses of India, the real objective of this
massive deployment of forces – the blatant loot of rich mineral resources, not only of Bastar, but also of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa. The propaganda efforts are geared to hide this connection  between imperialist loot and war on its own people.

But their imperialist masters have no such compulsion. The leading lights of their international media such as The Guardian, The Newyork Times, The Washington Post and The Economist are quite  outspoken on what lies 'inside India's hidden war.'

It is under this title that the Guardian reports:
" Indian paramilitary forces have backed this militia known as Salwa-Judum (peace march) against Naxalites, turning the forest into  a battlefield. Entire villages have been emptied as tribal communities flee from the burning, lootings and killings. The civil conflict has left more than 50,000 people camping under tarpaulin sheets without work  or food along the roadsides of southern Chhattisgarh.

Campaigners say that the reason why the government has opened a new front in this battle lies beneath …some of the country's richest reserves of iron ore, coal, limestone and bauxite."  The Guardian has also noted that the 'extremists', about whom  B. Muthuraman, M.D.Tata Steel is concerned so gravely after the gruesome Kalinga Nagar killings, "are now at the centre of a corporate debate over how to exploit resources in the mineral rich but poverty stricken tribal belt in India."

John Lancaster for The Washington Post was witness to determined opposition to imperialist loot, when he interviewed the  Maoist spokesperson in heavily forested Bastar. He heard slogans like, " Stop corrupting Adivasi Culture to Make it Market Culture Under  the Guise of Tourism" and a song that included the line "America and
Japan are big exploiters of this country."

The Economist also notes the same determined opposition based on a clear theoretical understanding, when it records the statement of  Ganesh Ueike, secretary of the West Bastar Divisional Committee of  CPI(Maoist), "He said his party was facing renewed suppression, because the resources of finance capitalism are facing sluggishness
in their development, and are looking for new routes such as mineral  riches of this forest."

Another influential magazine of the imperialists, The Newyork Times observes that the Chhattisgarh government is negotiating about $1.8 billion in private investment, mostly in the mining industry, which  the insurgents violently oppose. It also puts down frankly the Salwa  Judum's aim of 'clearing the villages one by one to break the Maoist
web of support' and quotes its leader Mahendra Karma as saying " Unless you cut off the source of disease, the disease will remain, the  source is the people, the villagers."

Jill McGiveri for the BBC and The Economist completely identfies herself with the present imperialist venture of promoting Salwa Judum gangs when she wistfully recalls that "during the Vietnam war the  Mantagnard militias were among the bravest and most effective local anti-communist force, given the right leadership and support." Bearing this 'white man's burden', the U.S. administration is closely  monitoring this battlefront. The Chief Minister of Chhattisgarh Raman  Singh visited U.S. and Canada in May 2005. There he was sufficiently 'energised' to carry out the genocidal operation against adivasis that  started in the name of Salwa Judum in June 2005. In March 2006, a
senior U.S. official Michael Owen visited Raipur and met Raman Singh.

During his stay, he is reported to have stated that the Naxalite problem will have an adverse effect on investors. He also publicly offered assistance to 'tackle' this problem. Two U.S. officials William Inman  and Kevin Green visited Raipur in May 2006. William Inman is supposed  to be an expert of sorts with four years experience of dealing with the situation in Iraq. These U.S. officials also visited the Counter Terrorism  and Jungle Warfare College, at Kanker (in Bastar, Chhattisgarh). It  seems that the masters have taught their lessons well. Brigadier B.K. Ponwar, director, Warfare College, proudly states, "We taught them whatever the U.S. troops were learning in Iraq." (TOI, Oct.4,2006)

Additional Chief Secretary (Home) of Chhattisgarh – B.K.S. Ray, met these U.S. officials on May 23, 2006 and shamelessly sought U.S. assistance to curb Naxalism. The U.S. government has already put the Maoists of India in its list of terrorist organizations.

Prominent Indian journalist Praful Bidwai has noted that an attempt is underway to break up tribal communities into the equivalent of the  'strategic hamlets' which the U.S. created in Vietnam.
The Economist also calls the displacement of thousands of tribals  in Bastar a 'scorched village' policy to starve the Maoists of local support. It is pertinent that in 2002, U.S. had sent its forces to Colombia to lead a military campaign against the leftist peoples' army FARC.  The same 'scorched earth policy' directed against the civilian population
was pursued there, as admitted by a former general of the U.S. – James Hill. General Richard B. Myers of the U.S. Air Force has been  quoted , 'this policy must be mirrored around the world.' (Analytic Monthly Reveiw, September 2005)

In terms of its devastating consequences, the onslaught of the  imperialists-comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie-local feudals combine  in India in the name of LPG (liberalization, privatization and globalization) is no less than a war against its own people. According to govt. figures over one lakh peasants have committed suicide in the  last ten years. Where the people refuse to die silently, inevitably the  Indian State shows its true colours with the package of lathi, firing and jail. This has been the experience everywhere – whether it is the  peasants of Rajasthan demanding water for irrigation; the adivasis of  Kalinga Nagar, Kashipur, Lanjigarh, Koelkaro or the Narmada Bachao Andolan; the peasants of Singur in W. Bengal, the peasants in the proposed SEZ areas fighting against displacement; the workers in  Gurgaon or Bhilai fighting for basic rights; the electricity workers of Chhattisgarh, Punjab and U.P. opposing privatisation; or the teachers employed as shiksha karmis.The onslaught is devastating and allsided.
As the magazine Business World (August 2006) has depicted on its cover page, the mineral rich states of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and  Orissa have indeed been turned into 'a battle ground' with Tata, Essar, Mittal, Vedanta, Jindal, Posco, Ambani signing up MOUs primarily to  exploit the vast natural resources available in these three states, in a  growth without employment model. Lakhs of peasants, mostly adivasis will be displaced if these plans succeed.

In the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh where the Maoists have  succeeded in developing a guerilla zone/guerilla base; they have called  for a halt to the export of rich iron ore to Japan from the Bailadila mines.They have also opposed the supply of our own iron-ore to the MNCs and the big compradors at dirt cheap price, while over 400 small industrialists of Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand are charged  many fold more. It is amply clear to everyone concerned, that it will not be smooth sailing for the imperialist big capital and the compradors of  India when they attempt to exploit the rich mineral resources of Bastar,  Chhattisgarh. For there, the people have already taken up the fight
against the loot of their land, under the leadership of the CPI (Maoist)  and the PLGA.

Marxist-Leninist-Maoists oppose the ruthless exploitation of the  globe, its natural resources and people, the overwhelming vast majority by minute minority imperialists with Marx's vision that, " From the standpoint of a higher economic form of society, private  ownership of the globe by the single individuals will appear quite as absurd as private ownership of one man by another. Even a whole society, a nation, or even all simultaneously existing societies taken  together, are not the owners of the globe. They are only its possessors, its usufructuaries, and, like boni patres familias, they must hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved condition." (Marx, Capital, Vol. III, 776)

It is amply clear that the government has opened up this 'new  front' – the tribal genocide operation under the name of Salwa Judum – to crush the economic and political aspirations of the people of Bastar Chhattisgarh, and to perpetuate their kingdom of loot.

The tribals of Bastar are going through a horrifying time. More than 50 thousand have been forcibly uprooted from their villages and detained in the concentration camps, ironically called relief camps.  Over 600 villages have been emptied in this manner. The other half of  the population is being hunted for by the 'security forces'. More than
200 tribals have been killed by the state police, Naga 9th IR Batallion,  the CRPF and the Salwa Judum goons. Many of them are women. More than 30 women have been gang-raped by these forces, many of  them were killed subsequently. Over 2000 houses were burnt in more than 100 villages because these tribals were not wanting to join the
government sponsered Salwa Judum operation. Para-military forces Naga, Mizo, CRPF etc. that have been deployed at a massive scale,  are behaving like invading, occupation armies. Killing of a Dornapal trader by Naga soldiers after a petty dispute over Rs. 15 on October  15, 2006 is only the latest of so many of such incidents.

The Indian State has started an all-out campaign to crush what it  percieves as "the biggest threat to it since 'Independence' " – the  menace of Maoism. Both the army and the air force are being involed in anti-Naxalite operations.

The Communist Party of India (Maoist), on the other hand, is  leading the tribals of Bastar in a heroic resistance against the economic  and military onslaught of the imperialists, the compradors and their feudal allies. About one and a half lakh tribals have organized themselves in the Maoist mass-organizations. Even the DGP of
Chhattisgarh, O.P. Rathore admits that this number is 45 to 50 thousand, which is a sigificant proportion of a thinly populated region such as Bastar. In the present round, the massive offensive of the state forces  has been beaten back by the PLGA, militias and mass organisations  keeping the politico-military initiative.

The occupation of Iraq by the U.S. army for control over crude oil and for world dominance, and the heroic resistance of the Iraqi  people has attracted attention world over. So has the resistance of  the people of Lebanon, Palestine and Afghanistan. The people have shown once again, that in the strategic sense, the imperialists are paper tigers.

The imperialist onslaught on the people of India – its 'hidden war';  its 'battle' against more than 8 crore people of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa for the exploitation of mineral riches, and its 'new front'  against the people of Bastar in the form of operation Salwa Judum, is  comparable to the situation in West Asia both in terms of the enormity
of human suffering and political significance.

It is with this seriousness that we request the readers to study the situation in Bastar.

* * *********


A Factual Description of Salwa Judum

The Origin of Salwa Judum is in the Police Headquarters.
To call it a spontaneous movement is a fascist lie.

An untitled video given to a fact finding team of the Independent Citizens' Initiative (which visited Dantewada between 17th-22nd May 2006), by Brigadier Ponwar of the Counter Insurgency and Jungle  Warfare College, Kanker, as a video made by the police, speaks clearly  of 'Operation Salwa Judum' beginning as early as January 2005, when
the police launched overt and covert operations to mobilize villagers against the Maoists.

In the early phases of the campaign (from June 2005), the  invitations to mobilize people for the Salwa Judum meetings, and press releases about them were issued in the name of one 'Sodi Deva' who  was not traceable. Rather, on investigation by local journalists, these  invitations and press releases turned out to be emanating from the
office of the Inspector General of Police in Jagdalpur.

Ian Welsh in a report "Writ of the State in India" comments aptly  on an official document prepared by the Collector: 
"An official Government document – The Work proposal for the 'People's Movement against Naxalites' drawn up by the Collector of Dantewara in 2005 – clearly spells out the modalities of the Salwa  Judum's operation. The document mentions the need to give the movement prominent leadership, specifies how much funding is necessary and what tasks must be conducted by which department. For example, the police must identify friendly villages to know how  many are with the police and how many are with the Naxalites, and create village defence committees. Chapter 4, paragraph 9 says that
informers will not trust government unless their information is immediately acted upon and Naxalites are shot and killed. The  police should not wait for written complaints. Paragraph 10 notes that if innocents die in large operations , higher up authorities must
keep quiet. Unless Maoists are killed in large numbers people will have divided loyalties and, for this, police must be given targets.

The Collector also advocates controls on the media. All of this is uncannily being followed to plan….".

These facts conclusively prove that the stories repeated again  and again in the media that Salwa Judum is a spontaneous movement  of the adivasis which started in June 2005 from Kutru, is nothing but an elaborate propaganda-management.

The national English weekly Outlook observed on May 15, 2006  that, "The state is playing a violent game of forcibly arming the tribals  against the Maoists" which has created a situation of "state-sponsored civil war launched by the state government, in which adivasis are being  pitted against adivasis – cannon fodder for a failed administration."  The News International observes on June 3, 2006 that, " The government in the Central state of Chhattisgarh is about to launch a massive military operation against Naxalites with a dozen paramilitary  battalions under the so-called "Supercop" and former Punjab police chief KPS Gill. The operation has been called the "ultimate" or  "knockout" punch. The CRPF will be assisted by special commandos
from Mizoram, trained in "counter-insurgency" operations by United States troops in a decade-old programme. Gill's strategy  involves gathering reliable intelligence on the Maoists' hideouts, and hitting them hard "in a sudden and well-coordinated attack", giving them little time "to regroup and retaliate". The plan also entails  evacuation of large numbers of people from forests."

It is all too well-known that the CPI(M) is very much party to the ruling classes' efforts to crush the Maoist movement in India. But this ruling class party is also having to describe the true character of Salwa  Judum and condemn it. The following statement of the Polit Bureau of the CPI (M) issued on 20 June 2006 describes Salwa Judum as a
police operation:

"The unfounded criticism made by the spokesperson of the BJP  regarding the Left parties demand in the meeting of the UPA-Left coordination committee to withdraw Salwa Judum operation in Chattisgarh has only exposed the real intention of the BJP government in Chattisgarh. The Salwa Judum operation is a police action and not a people's movement as claimed by the BJP. It is resulting in  ordinary tribals becoming victims of depredations of police as well as naxalites. The conditions in the camps set-up by the Chattisgarh government is so bad that tribals cannot live there. In contrast, the  West Bengal experience under Left Front rule is noteworthy. The West 
Bengal government, by introducing pro-people and pro-tribal measures, has been able to contain the activities of the extremists. Unless this  loot of the tribals is stopped, no effective measures can be taken to contain the naxalite activities."

Forcible displacement and relocation  The 'strategic hamlet' theory

That relocation of large tribal populations by the barbarian state forces is a strategy of their defense policy is now a well established  fact. The erstwhile Inspector General of Police of Bastar range MW  Ansari is on record stating that: "In order to curb the Naxalites it is  necessary to have collectivization of rural residence". (It is a separate fact , that two lakh rupees looted from a Kaju  trader of Jagdalpur was recovered from this officer's residence, after  which he was transfered !

An ex. Secretary of the Government of India – EAS Sharma has written in a recent article: " Salwa Judum's overall aim is to relocate  the Adivasis at any cost, from their villages to roadside relief  camps."

The Newyork Times reports on April 13, 2006: "Last September the Salwa Judum, backed by the local police, swept through Kotrapal  with a clear message: Move to the camps or face the Salwa Judum's wrath. "We finished off the village," said Ajay Singh, the Salwa Judum's  leader in a nearby town Bhairamgarh. Then he clarified: "People were
excited. Of course they destroyed the houses." Salwa Judum leaders say they have waged their campaign with a singular goal in mind: to clear the villages, one by one, and break the Maoists' web of support.  "Unless you cut off the source of disease, the disease will remain," is how the group's most prominent backer, an influential adivasi politician
named Mahendra Karma, put it. "The source is the people, the  villagers." This leaves no room for doubt that Mahendra Karma and his right hand Ajay  singh, and others like him are engaged in executing  the work-plan issued from the office of the then IG MW Ansari. (It is thus only just, that Ajay Singh has since been wiped out for his heinous
crimes against the tribals.)

The Guardian has reported:
"While the soldiers say villagers come seeking refuge from the  violence, the tribals tell a different story. They claim that the camps are, in reality, prisons.The guards in Bhairamgarh camp brought out  captured Naxalite political agents, known as Sangam, for the Guardian to interview. Each told a story of state-backed terror. A mob of government supporters invaded their village backed by armed soldiers
 who opened fire on "Naxalite houses". A battle ensued and the guerrillas,  outgunned, fled. Once an area has been "cleansed", the homes of  those used by leftwing guerrillas are destroyed and "I was a Sangam.

People were getting shot and homes burnt every day. I had no choice  but to come here," said Buddram, who used to farm around Kotrapal. Clutching her baby to her chest, Jamli recounts how the Salva Judum  militia kidnapped her and seven friends as they travelled to a market.  "We were told we had to come to the police station. Once we reached there we were kept overnight and driven to this camp where we were told if you leave you will be killed," she said. "I was alone until my  husband arrived a week later and he is trapped here too. We are not Naxalites. We have no homes, just these tents."

Relocation of the tribal population in the name of curbing militancy is not new to the Indian state. In 1994 the Government of Tripura had  launched a village regrouping programme, in the North Tripura and the Dhalai districts. The state had relocated around 400 militancy affected tribal families along the Assam-Agartala National Highway and some other major roads before a stay order by the Supreme Court. In
carrying out  such repressive measures, the track record of the CPM is no different from other ruling class parties including enforcement of the hated Armed Forces Special Powers Act.

In a write-up in the October 31, 2006 issue of the environmentalist  magazine "Down to Earth", Maureen Nandini recalls: "India has witnessed in the past what happens when thouands of villagers are relocated to roadside camps without planning for their livelihood options. In 19 66 when Mizo National Front guerillas overran Aizawl,  the government retaliated with massive counter-insurgency operations, as part of which they regrouped Mizo villages into virtual concentration camps in order to deny rebels hiding in the hills access to food and  water. Tens of thousands of villagers were uprooted and dumped into these camps. Instead of quelling the rebellion, the move spurred more young Mizos to join the rebels.

What was worse, the counter-insurgency operations destroyed  the structure of Mizo society, its symbiotic relationship with the land and contributed much to the alienation of Mizos from mainstream India. Similar strategies used in the Philipines and East Timor to quell rebellions had terrible effects."

The same is now being carried out at a much larger scale in South Bastar.

'The Economist' (17 August, 2006) observes: "Salwa Judum itself is also responsible for displacing people – a "scorched village"  policy intended to starve the Maoists of local support. This recognises that the Naxalites' real strength lies not in their guerrillas in the jungle, with their peaked caps and "country-made" rifles, but in their civilian
networks in the villages themselves."

The well known journalist Praful Bidwai notes: " ..An attempt is also underway to break up tribal communities into the equivalent of strategic hamlets which the U.S. created in Vietnam. This model isn't  as far-fetched as it might appear. Last fortnight, two U.S. Embassy officials met the Chhattisgarh chief secretary to offer 'assistance' in fighting Naxalites. Although the government hasn't accepted the offer,  it's following the same approach to insurgencies that the US favours." The experience of U.S. direct military intervention in Colombia against the FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejercito del Pueblo) or the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
– Peoples' Army, also brings to the fore the same genocidal 'scorched earth' policy, directed not against the leftist rebels but mainly against  the whole population which supports them. The Analytical Monthly Review (September 2005) has carried an article "The FARC-EP in Colombia: A Revolutionary Exception in an Age of Imperialist Expansion"  wherein the plan of US imperialism to intervene all over the globe is illustrated well. Here are some excerpts:

"….. A direct offensive campaign of armed aggression against Colombia called Plan Patriota was started. Assaults have been carried  out by conjoined US military and private combatants, leading over 20,000 Colombian soldiers in a scorched earth policy largely  concentrated in the southern Colombian departments of Putumayo, Caqueta, Narino, and Meta. 

In October 2002, reports were leaked indicating that US marines were on "orders to eliminate all high officials of FARC," " scattering  those who escape to the remote corners of the Amazon."  US Air Force General Richard B. Myers claimed that " we are winning" and that "the cooperation between the US and Colombia must be mirrored around the world."

Unnamed US officials are quoted as claiming that FARC has been  significantly degraded and now there is no portion of the country where Colombian forces cannot go. In the past there were huge swathes of land that FARC dominated.

Despite the propaganda that Plan Patriota was aimed at fighting  the FARC, what is really happenning is an attempt to " drain the sea." The target is the unarmed peasantry which is the real force of the rebel. James Hill – the former general of the US Southern Command,  admitted that the reformulated campaign began with an attack on rural
areas where local peasant farmers support the FARC, not against the guerrilla army itself."

It is interesting to note that contrary to the high claims of the  imperialists, the strength of the FARC people's army has grown inspite of, or say because of, the struggle against the open imperialist attacks. The combatant force of FARC was 18,000 in 1992, and 32,000 in  1994. It increased to 40,000 in 2002 and by 2004 it had gone upto  50,000.

The same phenomenon is being witnessed in Bastar, where even the Collector is having to admit that "after the initiation of Salwa Judum, there has been a spurt in the recruitment of the Maoists." Hundreds of villages have turned into fortresses with the adivasi people  preferring to join the just resistance under the leadership of the Maoists rather than suffer subjugation in silence. Thousands have gone to the forests to swell the ranks of the PLGA and militias, and in fact a new "Koya Bhoomkal Militia" has been formed.

Initiation of Salwa Judum in June 2005

Kutru area from where Salwa Judum is supposed to have started lies in South-West Bastar , south of the river Indravati. The area north of the Indravati is the Maad area of 12000 sq. km which is the stronghold of the party and the security forces have not been able to enterthere for a long time. On the other hand, the area south of the river Indravati, is relatively weak, so far as the revolutionary organization is concerned. By 2003, repression here had increased with massivedeployment of CRPF.

On May 24, 2005 the PLGA carried out an ambush in Karremarka killing 5 CRPF jawans. The State retaliated by putting in action their  cold-blooded work-plan of forcibly carrying the adivasis with them as human shields in their military operations. Immediately after the blast of Karremarka, a meeting was called  in the village Usakipatanam on June 5, 2005 in which leaders of DAKMS  of the area were also called and then treachorously handed over to the police. Next, in the leadership of Collector K.R. Pisda and Mahendra Karma, a meeting of about 3000 was held in Maatwada. About 1000 of this Salwa Judum crowd went and attacked village Kotrapal. Most of the members of this crowd were taken along forcibly and there were only a small number of hard-core elements. The villagers of Kotrapal  had already become aware of this attack and they were ready to face  it, only the youth had stayed back and the old and children were sent to the forest. Accordingly, the attacking crowd was resisted and had to make a hasty retreat. 12 members of the attacking Salwa Judum crowd  were taken hostage and one was killed after being tried in a jan-adaalat.

After this incident, whatever has been carried out in the name of Salwa Judum campaign, has been an operation of the state armed  forces with Salwa Judum as its vigilante wing.

This new mode of operation carried out by the security forces is aptly described in the words of the perpetrators themselves, as narrated to the All India Team of Human Rights Organisations which visited Dantewada between 28th November and 1st December 2005:. Laxman Kashyap , a local leader of Salwa Judum has described gleefully, "This is what happened in Bangapal, sir. On August 3, we had a meeting in Munder village. Villagers from Munder ran away to the hills. The Naga Batallion went to the hill, caught them and brought  them back, and made them join the Salwa Judum. Those who were unwilling to join were arrested."

The Independent Citizens' Initiative report has reproduced the  wireless message of the Former Superintendent of Police, Bijapur D.L. Manhar issuing instructions regarding Salwa Judum, which was recorded by the party and released to the press in August 2005 in Raipur. An extract of the English translation of the transcript is produced
0.13 The villages which have joined in Jagran (Salwa Judum) two lakh rupees have been sanctioned for them.
4 .25 Take care of that side. All officers and the forces should be distributed on all sides. And be on high alert.  If any journalist comes to report on Naxalites –
kill them. Did you understand? Roger Sir.

8.11 Three encounters happened . Nine people died.
8.18 And all the grain storages have been burned by the Jan Jagaran people.
8.24 Today Kotrapal sangham members will surrender.
8.32 They are saying people are dying on the other side, no development is happening so they will surrender today.
8.43 The Jan Jagaran are telling the villagers very clearly, "  you come with us the first time, or the second time. If you do not come the third time we will burn your village.
The same wireless message also includes:

……"Any party, any thana, can be asked for encirclement operation ..because when it happens, they run helter-skelter. It happened so now in Kotrapal. Nine are dead, others escaped. If a party had come from the other side, whole gang would have been dead. These are the things and nine who are dead, of the two they  have reported in Jangla thana to the contrary saying that it was by Naxalites. Look at the trick and the intelligence of our inspectors
……..who has been killed in the encounter they are saying that he has been killed by the Naxalites so that there is propaganda in the  people and they immediately get one lakh rupees each.…."  (Deshbandhu August 2, 2006)

It is surprising that this portion of the wireless message showing  blatant abetment of murder by SP Manhar has been omitted by the  ICI report. This officer was subsequently transferred …… only to be attached to the State Human Rights Commission!

Atrocities by Salwa Judum: Murder,Rape, Arson and

Our party, the CPI(Maoist) has released lists of the adivasis killed,  of the incidents of rape and sexual assault on women, and of the  villages in which houses have been burnt. The party even released a video CD showing the brutalities perpetuated by the Salwa Judum and the para-military, which was delivered by hand to the residences  of the MLAs in the capital city – Raipur.

If any of the law enforcing agencies had had an iota of intention to take action against these horrifying violations of human rights, there was more than enough information provided by the party to do so, but  true to their class character they remained silent.

But a broad cross section of the 'mainstream media' and 'mainstream parties and organisations' have also reported that heinous atrocities have been committed on a wide scale in the name of Salwa  Judum, and we are extracting from some of these reports below:
A fact finding team of the Communist Party of India reports the killing of Bere Santu of Eitu village and Sukhram of Palnar village by the CRPF. This report also describes the incidents of burning, loot  and beating up by CRPF and the Salwa Judum combine in Murbedi, Kavad, Burji, Malur, Tamodi and Manjhimendri villages.

The news magazine Outlook of May 15,2006 reports:
" Marvinda and his family have just arrived from a refugee camp at Shevnar (to their village Irulipallan) about 10 km away, to inspect  the old, burnt remains of their home before cooking and eating lunch. Later, they will trudge back to the camp, completing what has virtually become a daily ritual since October 2005 , when the administration
forced them to leave their village.

Marvinda says, " I don't want to leave. But the police beat me, tied my hands and hung me upside down from a tree. Then the Salwa  Judum burnt our huts. They said if we didn't want to leave our villages,  we must be Naxalites."

According to the author of this article, Smita Gupta, the Collector of Dantewada – K.R. Pisda said to her: "If you are not a Naxalite,  you must join the Salwa Judum. There is no third choice."  This statement reeks ominously of Bush and indeed "The air smells
of sulphur" in Dantewada.

The Independent Citizens' Initiative team has reported many such  incidents-
" We met villagers from Cherli (Hariyal) now in Mirtur camp, who named ten people from their village who were killed in early September 2005, in what appears to have been cross-fire between the police and  the Maoists. …………Villagers of Kondapal told us that one Vettri Joga had been killed in their village. These eleven names corroborated
the information on the Maoist list of civilians killed (including names and date of the incident) ……….. The pro-Maoist journal  People's March (January, 2006) … claims that 10 villagers of Cherli  were killed in cold blood and buried while on their way to the forest.

The Hitvada newspaper, September 6, 2005 quotes the police saying  that 10 armed Maoists were killed by the security forces in Operation Green Hunt." An All India Team of Womens Organizations which visited  Dantwada district between 30th September to 2nd October 2006 reports in their press release:

"During our investigation we came across a number of incidents of unreported deaths. An elderly widow at the Baangapal camp  described how her eldest son had been abducted by the police from the Geedam Bazaar and murdered in the Bodili Thana, she was not  shown the body. An adivasi youth working with a voluntary organisation has seen two women who were shot dead by the Naga Batallion.

Several persons confirmed that three adivasi villagers harvesting grain had been shot dead and their bodies had been buried by the police near the Geedam thana. All these persons requested anonymity. 
….Young SPOs bragged to us about their capacities to kill and murder  and to capture women "Naxalites" alive, and were hoping to be rewarded with a promotion to the regular police force."

Independent Citizens' Initiative team also mentions the following  among other incidents in its report:  " We spoke to one Salwa Judum activist from Dubbatota village
who admitted to personally burning houses in Arlampalli and Palemadgu villages.

We were also told by Dornapal and Konta camp inmates of a  number of burnings by the Salwa Judum and security forces in  Gaganpalli, Asirguda, Arlampalli, Regadigatta, and Neelamadgu villages.

Village Arlampalli, which falls on the road from Dornapal to Jagargonda, was repeatedly referred to by camp inmates and by Sukma  residents as a village which has been very badly affected. Out of the  162 houses in the village Arlampalli, reportedly all except two or three houses had been burnt. All the grain had been destroyed. The houses apparently smouldered for almost a  month. The villagers are said to be camping in the jungle. One  women from Phandiguda …… told us that she had heard that people had been burnt alive in their houses in Arlampalli by the Naga battalion and the Salwa Judum. ……… We personally  met people from Pottenar village at Jangla relief camp whose houses  had been burnt by the Salwa Judum. 90 families from Pottenar have
been forced to flee the villages."

These reports also describe the fate of those who attempted to  resist joining the Salwa Judum or shifting to the camps:  "A 25 year old Muria prisoner, Dabba Boomaiah, from village Bamanpur near Bhopalpattanam, said he was working as a labourer on a lift irrigation project, when some Boarder Roads men asked him  the way to Bhopalpattanam police station. He escorted them and the police started quizzing him about Naxalite presence in his village. Then  they asked him to join Salwa Judum. When he said he couldn't as he had a wife, two small kids and a widowed mother to support, they  arrested him."
(An account of the violence perpetrated on women in the course of Salwa Judum is described separately in Chapter Six.)

The Salwa Judum camps are in reality prisons.

The conditions of the adivasi people in the so-called Salwa Judum  relief camps, which are more like concentration camps for refugees, is also described in the Womens' Team report:
" …Thousands of villagers who are in the camps have largely  abandoned their homes, hearths, and fields. They have lost their entire  livestock (cattle, pigs and hens etc.), stocks of grain and forest produce. No employment is being provided to them by the government and they  are dependent on occassional employment in the surrounding villages at the rate of Rs. 20/- per day. From these uncertain earnings they can purchase a mere 2 paili(less than 5 kg) of rice per week per family from the PDS supplies….. Almost all children we saw at the  Bangapal and Dornapal camps had typically distended bellies. Parents  at Bangapal camp had sent their children of school going age to live in an ashram school several villages away, where they were provided
with a mid day meal, often their only meal in the day… In the large  Dornapal camp the UNICEF had already identified nearly a hundred  children as suffering from Grade 4 malnutrition.

…. Many women stated that they wanted to return to their villages … Some villagers of Belnar and Munder have run away from the  Bangapal camp and ever since the SPOs (Special Police Officers – an  adhoc recruitment of local youth) are guarding the camp… Several camps on the Nelasnaar-Bedre road are now empty. For instance villagers of Karkeli admitted that SPOs of their village went several  times to forcibly bring other villagers to the Karkeli camp but they  have run away each time and now the camp is empty"
The cover story of 'Down to Earth'October 31, 2006 records similar

"Relief supplies have been slow to reach since the state was struggling to cope with other, worse affected regions in Dantewada  and Bastar. In the meantime, the administration has sent instructions that weekly food supplies for children be halved at all camps. None of the SPOs have been paid since February, when the camp came into
being….says Ramlal Malkam, the local school principal, who's in charge of keeping a record of camp facilities , "The district collector assured us that salaries will be paid, but there is no sign of it yet. It's not good for the morale of the people." The same article quotes an adivasi  resident of a camp: "Mandvi Bhima, a refugee at the Dornapal relief
camp, about 30 km south of Errabore, sums up the problem: We were suffering there, but we are suffering here also. To live on your land and farm is one thing, and its another to live here almost like prisoner."  Using adivasis as a human shield.

Condemned by even those who do not support Maoists. Here we reproduce a fair amount of factual material brought out  by the media and public figures who are known to have no sympathy  with the Maoist cause, in fact many of them are known to be hostile towards it.

After a fact finding mission of the CPI(M) in April, 2006 Sanjay  Parate a member of its state secretariat, has alleged that "the  government is utilizing the Salwa Judum activists as political goons and most of the Salwa Judum camps in south-west Bastar are established near the police-stations so that these can serve as a shield  at the time of attacks by the naxalites."

The ex-Central Minister and senior adivasi leader of the BJP – Arvind Netam has objected to the use of adivasis like a shield in the Naxalite eradication campaign. Mr. Netam said in a statement to the  Hindi daily Haribhoomi on 19th July 2006 that,  "Instead of waging a  do-or-die battle with the Naxalites, the police is pushing the adivasis to the fore. …. From the kind of incidents that are happening, it does  not seem that there is any value of the life of the adivasis."

When about one thousand adivasis led by the PLGA attacked the CRPF camp, police post and the SPO's at Errabore Salwa Judum camp and liberated hundreds of adivasi people, the fact of utilization of the adivasis as human shield became inescapable.

A CRPF official warns on the South Asian Defence and Intelligence website, "We only know that such attacks will happen in the future as well. What we can confidently say is that as long as Salwa Judum activists are present, these camps will be targeted". He
added that the attack on the Salwa Judum camp (Errabore) was one of the best-planned attacks in Chhattisgarh as over 1,000 Maoists had collectively attacked the camp.

The daily Haribhoomi has described, that after the incident,  "…Voices cursing the Salwa Judum campaign were also seen to be getting louder. In the camp the villagers were repeatedly cursing Salwa Judum. They were saying that when the Government and Salwa Judum did not have solid arrangements for their security, then why were they
pushed to the front to die?……The absolute inaction of the police despite being only 50 metres away was inexplicable for them." Home-minister Netam, DGP Rathore and Mahendra Karma faced the wrath of tribals kept in the camps as captives.

"Shri Karma who reached the relief camp after the incident had to face the strong resentment of the adivasis. To Shri Karma, who was trying to cover the dead bodies with the burial cloth, the adivasis said  you can leave this work to us, you should only look at the corpses.  Looking to the anger of the adivasis, Shri Karma had to take refuge in
the nearby thana." (Dainik Bhaskar, 18 July 2006)

"The fury of the villagers broke out against the DGP after the  Errabore Naxalite attack…When DGP Rathore was counseling the  Salwa Judum supporters and villagers in the Konta base camp, some villagers climbed up on the stage and started shoving and pushing him. Seeing the situation getting aggravated, the DGP and local Salwa  Judum activists had to leave the stage and run away." Navbharat, 20 July 2006

" Villagers vent rage at the Home Minister :- The local villagers vented their rage against the Home Minister of the State Ram Vichar  Netam and the Minister in charge of Dantewada Kedar Kashyap, who  had gone on behalf of the government to wipe the tears of the victims after the Naxalite incident at Errabore. The villagers held the government wholly responsible for the incident at Errabore." ( Haribhoomi, 19 July 2006)

In an unfortunate incident 14 traders and tribals were killed in a land mine blast by the people's militia. A police party had been using the targetted jeep and on the journey back they forcibly took the vehicle  of the traders and put these traders on the jeep on which they had come. This had led to a serious mistake on the part of the party. After this incident, when the Home Minister Ramvichar Netam and DGP Rathore visited the site, the local people gheraoed them and  forced them to come out with a statement that, in future, police parties would not be allowed to forcibly use private vehicles.

Recruiting mercenaries called SPOs

The latest strategy of the Chhattisgarh Government is to recruit young adivasi boys and girls as SPOs (Special Police Officers) at a pittance of a wage and with vague and remote promises of a regular  job. Being neither accounted for nor accountable, the SPOs continue to be referred to as adivasis/ villagers/ civilians when attacked by the militia and the masses, while they actually act as official spies and  hatchet men, doing the dirty work of the Salwa Judum and the paramilitary.

The manner in which the government is attempting to consolidate a division in the adivasi community is described in the Women's Team report:

"A large number of young girls, many of whom do not appear to be 18, have been recruited as SPOs. At Bangapal, several of the women SPOs were wearing skirts and blouses off duty ….. Our fear is that the  government is making widespread use of child soldiers ……Our  suspicion is also that the meagre Rs. 1500/- paid to the SPOs is the
only economic security that many families in the camps have. In Karkeli village an adivasi woman confirmed that these women SPOs are not  allowed to leave the thana premises except for meals, they stay even  during the nights. An anganwadi worker at Dornapal on condition of anonymity admitted that there were cases of prostitution in the camp, and it appears that at least 50 cases of termination of pregnancy of  women SPOs had been reported at Bijapur.

All thanas we had the opportunity to observe – including at Nelasnaar, Bhairamgarh, Kutru and Karkeli had inside their heavily barbed wire boundaries, the brick barracks of the SPOs (of men and  women) surrounding the main police/CRPF/SAF thana….Usually the  SPO's lead 'gasht' (patrols) while the police follow. From Karkeli – a village of 60 households, 66 SPOs including 11 women have been  recruited. Thus this village has been militarized for counter insurgency taking advantage of the dire situation of the adivasis. …… in the same  village there is not even one health worker..

…. We were also told that when women come from such villages  (which have refused to move to the camps) to buy rations at the weekly haat they are chased away by the SPOs and paramilitary on the pretext   that they are supplying rice to the Naxalites. Thus these villages are  being starved. We personally witnessed the bullying and initimidating
behaviour of the SPOs and paramilitary in the Bodli Haat and the Bhairamgarh Bazaar."

People are rejecting Salwa Judum

In spite of the media management of the government,  considerable protests have filtered out against the Salwa Judum, from  a broad spectrum of organisations in Chhattisgarh, like the quasigovernmental Adivasi Vikas Parishad, local adivasi MLAs and Sarpanches, a section of the Congress led by former Chief Minister  Ajit Jogi, the Gondwana Gantantra Party, Jan Mukti Morcha, the  parliamentary left parties, the Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha and trade unions affiliated with it, the Chhattisgarh PUCL and various other human rights organisations from all over the country.

The Adivasi Mahasabha had made an application to the Collector  for permission to hold a rally jointly with the CPI on 14th November, 2006 at Dantewada to oppose Salwa Judum and the land acquisitions being carried out at gunpoint for the Tata and Essar groups. The  Collector Dantewada refused. The reason? The by-election due to be
held at Kota (Bilaspur) at a distance of more than 500 kilometres away! Even the Chief Justice of the State, who had recently dismissed writ petitions praying for quashing of MOUs with Tata and Essar, and about  whom it is common knowledge that he solicits dalali arrangements with big corporate groups, could not digest this and he accordingly
directed the Collector to grant permission. What does the media  have to say about this rally?

"It was the first time that people had seen such a big rally against  Salwa Judum. The rally started at about 11.30 am and reached the High School Ground. Vehicular traffic came to a halt in the city for  about two and a half hours… The villagers in the rally were shouting slogans to stop Salwa Judum and against Essar." (Dainik Bhaskar,  15 November 2006)

"More than 50,000 villagers came walking 150 to 200 kilometres  to say that they do not want Salwa Judum… By participating in this huge rally which was taken out after permission was granted by the  High Court, the villagers showed it was not possible to solve the Naxalite problem by Salwa Judum. The villagers also raised a lot of slogans
against Mahendra Karma and also opposed Tata and Essar in Bastar…. They had come by their own means over the past four days… 

The district administration and top officials of intelligence agencies  ,Collector, SP, CRPF commandant and other security agencies were keeping a close watch on the law and order situation … According to knowledgable sources this rally was about one and a half times the  rally which was held to demand inclusion of Bastar in the Sixth  Schedule… Leader of the Opposition Mahendra Karma, sitting at Delhi was getting minute to minute information regarding the rally from his activists. It is pertinent that in this rally and meeting the villagers  expressed greatest anger against Shri Karma." (Navbharat, 15
Novemvber 2006)

In the Madded-Bhopalpatnam area, despite all the efforts of Mahendra Karma and his Salwa Judum goons, the villagers have continuously refused to allow Salwa Judum to be initiated here. In fact  a large number of villages had passed Gram Sabha resolutions to this effect. In the month of October 2006 a number of panchayat representatives (sarpanches, panches and janpad members) had taken a press conference in Raipur regarding Salwa Judum excesses  and atrocities, and their opposition to this brutal operation. The Salwa Judum had attacked them at Bijapur when they were returning in a
jeep. On 14th November 2006 Mahendra Karma had announced that there would be a Salwa Judum rally at Bhopalpatnam. One or two  newspapers even published his claim that 40,000 persons had gathered for this. But not a single photograph was published. In reality  few hundred of Salwa Judum goons protected by police and paramilitary forces marched from Madded to Bhopalpatnam spreading  terror in their wake. They molested a girl, daughter of the Patel of Gollaguda – a village about 2 km away from Bhopalpatnam, as she was going to serve food to her father in the fields. In the Bhopalpatnam High School Maidan they burnt the effigies of Mahendra Karma's
political opponents Ajit Jogi and Manish Kunjam who oppose Salwa Judum. They tried to force people to come up on stage to support Salwa Judum. Later behind the High School they called the Kotwars (village police officers) of several villages and beat them. Two Kotwars  became unconscious. A journalist Mohammed Afzal was beaten on the hands resulting in a fracture. The mood of the villagers is going from terror to anger, they are resolving that if the Salwa Judum comes again they will fight them to the finish.

It is well known in Bastar that in the Usoor area about 5000 persons have shifted to the forest and in the leadership of the party are participating in the just and inevitable resistance against the Salwa Judum.

"Training the guns on the press"

The case of Kamlesh Paikra, the Bijapur correspondent with  Hindsatt, a daily published from Jagdalpur, is typical of the situation of journalists in Bastar. Paikra's regular reporting on Maoist activities in Dantewada district drew attention of the police. In April 2005, D L  Manhar, the Superintendent of Police hadsummoned him and demanded that he reveal his sources. But adhering to journalistic ethics,he refused to do so. The SP then warned Paikra of "dire consequences". Incidentally this is the same SP whose wireless  message "If any journalist comes to report on Naxalites -kill them"
was recorded by our party and sent to the press.In September 2005, around 50 houses were burnt in Mankeli village, 15km from Bijapur by  the Salwa Judum. Kamlesh Paikra's report on this incident published  in the September 8th issue of Hindsatt generated wide concern, and resulted in a visit to Mankeli by a team of the CPI. When news of the atrocities in Mankeli began to filter out, Paikra's life was made miserable. The permit for his fair price shop, which Paikra ran to  supplement his meagre income as a journalist, was cancelled. Even his movements were physically restricted, and Salwa Judum personnel  prevented him from travelling outside Bijapur, especially to camps of
displaced persons.

Following a human rights team's press release, the administration was further irked and a false case was lodged against Paikra's elder  brother Tarkeshwar Singh, headmaster of a village school, who was arrested on 1 December on grounds of possessing Naxalite literature  and uniforms. Singh was released on bail after two weeks, but the case is still pending. Kamlesh Paikra was forced to move along with  his wife and parents to Dantewada town.

The 'Chattisgarh Shramjivi Patrakar Sangh' (Chattisgarh Working  Journalists Union), petitioned the Chief Minister Dr Raman Singh and Governor Lt Gen KM Seth to provide security to enable Paikra to  return to Bijapur. There has been no response to this petition, and his life continues to be at risk.

Another Bijapur based journalist Laxman Singh Kusram was threatened by police in January 2006 after reporting in a local  publication that women had been beaten up by the CRPF jawans. Journalists Sanjay Reddy and Anwar Khan had reported rampant
corruption in the name of supplies to Salwa Judum camps. They showed that there were serious discrepancies between the official figures  provided by the SDM (16,000) and Collector (29,000) of persons residing in the camps in their area. They were called to the police  thana and beaten up by Salwa Judum goons while the police looked on. They were beaten so badly that they had to be hospitalized in  Bhadrachalam, Andhra Pradesh. Subsequently these journalists had sat on dharna at Jagdalpur.

Local Member of Parliament and BJP leader Baliram Kashyap created a sensation when he came out with a statement on September  1, 2006 threatening that journalists who glorify Maoists should be killed.(It is the same BJP MP who was involved in accepting bribe from  Ajit Jogi and his son Amit.)

Christopher Warren, President of the International Federation of  Journalists has stated, "Intimidation of journalists and preventing them from carrying out their profession is unacceptable under any  circumstances, but when reporting on conflict, journalists are already  in a precarious position between combatant parties. Only when they are allowed to report independently and without fear, can a genuine democracy be said to be in place…Under no circumstances has  gagging the media and silencing journalists furthered the objective of  tackling armed conflict. "

Newswatch India reports: "Naxalite activities are making the Chhattisgarh government see red everywhere. Pushed on the backfoot  over increased Maoist violence in the state, the government has decided  one of the ways to control ultra-Left insurgency is by training its guns on the press. The State Assembly has passed a controversial Bill,
barring the media from carrying reports of any kind of 'unlawful activities' (read Naxal/Maoist violence) in the state."

"Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act"–the blackest  law

This Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act (CSPSA) has been  called even more draconian than TADA and POTA by various human  rights organisations. The definition of unlawful activities encompasses  every sort of dissent. And any assistance, even unintentional, to an organisation declared unlawful, is punishable with long periods of 
imprisonment without any provision for bail or appeal. Not only our party – the CPI (Maoist), but even the mass organisations – DAKMS, KAMS, KABS, Krantikari Kisan Committee and Mahila Mukti Manch have been banned under this Act. For which public? For whose  security?

Clearly the State was planning to target broad masses of the adivasi people with this black law but the widespread protest against this Act has proved a check. The Chhattisgarh PUCL and other human  rights organisations from all over the country held a candlelight procession on the night of 24th June 2006 and a well attended protest rally on 25th June in the State capital Raipur demanding the scrapping of this Act. Over one thousand industrial workers of the Ultratech Cement Factory of  Birla unionized by the Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha  went on a strike on 24th June 2006 protesting against the CSPS Act. On 1st May a bandh was held all over Dandakaranya against this black law.

Timely attacks on the ringleaders of Salwa Judum has nipped this bloody operation in the bud in other areas.

The efforts of the Chhattisgarh government to replicate the Salwa Judum in other areas has been determinedly fought back. Marshal Bada was a potential leader for such a vigilante gang in  the Sarguja region. This feudal bloodsucker had been grabbing the
lands of poor Pahadi Korba adivasis and in fact according to a statement made to the daily Haribhoomi dated 7th February 2006 by his son Ashok, he had been forced to return these lands back in 2004  "out of fear of Naxalite threats". With the backing of the police, Marshal  Bada had been gathering adivasis in the name of sports events with a
view to organize Salwa Judum. He was annihilated in a daring ambush  by the PLGA and militia in Tendupara, Thana Batauli on 6 February 2006.

Similarly the present Home Minister Ram Vichar Netam, a resident of Sanawal, district Sarguja, was attempting to organize the feudal dalals to unleash Salwa Judum in his area. In Jajawal, a fraud was played on the adivasis who were called to attend a meeting in the  name of airing their grievances regarding development works, and later Salwa Judum was announced from the same platform. But when  the party carried out intensive propaganda among the people, they expressed their refusal to act as spies and goons on behalf of the  State. Though the State has mounted brutal repression under the
notorious SP Kalluri to murder many revolutionaries, it has not been  able to start Salwa Judum in this area. And even now, the Home Minister fears to visit his village without massive security arrangements. 

In Chhuria and Khairagarh blocks of Rajnandgaon district, where funds for Salwa Judum were allotted to various police thanas, the  lumpen dalals who were attempting to start this operation like Imran Memon and Sameer Jha were wiped out by the peoples' militias, thus  nipping this effort in the bud.


The Class basis Concrete role of Feudals, CBB and Imperialists

Local Feudal elements find SJ an opportunity to regain their traditional authority with a vengeance An ex-Secretary of the Government E.A.S. Sharma has admitted:
"For decades, unethical land-grabbers, wily traders, and  exploitative contractors, all non-tribals, have dominated the lives of the Adivasis in this area, undeterred. The National Mineral Development Corporation (NMDC) has a long presence in Dantewada but it is the  non-tribals that have benefited from it. The evolution of Salwa Judum
makes an interesting case study. During the last two decades, the Maoists gained a mass base among the Adivasis by taking up cudgels on their behalf against corrupt government functionaries,  exploitative traders, and moneylenders. " So, it is important to have a clear understanding as to the character of the elements from the local population who are actively conniving with the authority to carry out the bloody Salwa Judum operation.

CBI had filed a criminal case against Mahendra Karma for defrauding 5 poor adivasis by grabing Rs. 16 lakhs out of Rs. 17.5 lakhs, in collusion with Gupta, Surana, Awasthi.

 Mahendra Karma is one of the important figures in the mafia which  has been sucking the blood of local adivasis. Most of the mafia gang are outsiders and Mahendra Karma is the tribal face to cover up their corrupt deeds. Their character became public in what is known as the Maalik Makbuja scam. In this case Mahendra Karma, along with traders
and contractors from outside such as Suresh Chandra Surana, Srinivasan Awasthi, Brij Mohan Gupta and others, was found to be guilty of cheating the poor tribals and the government on the basis of  forged and fabricated documents.

An extract from a report submitted by the Lokayukta Committee set up on the directions of the Supreme Court on 5/3/97 shows that Mahendra Karma s/o Boda Karma r/o Pharsapal defrauded a number  of poor adivasis namely Linga s/o Pandru, Smt.Bodo w/o Pandru, Paiku s/o Mara, Kuma s/o Mara and Rupa s/o Soma, all caste Gonds and r/ o Kasoli to the extent that about 17.5 lakh rupees were due to them
but they were paid only 1.5 lakh rupees and the remaining 16 lakhs were grabbed by Mahendra Karma. So what is the real characterization of Mahendra Karma: a leader of the adivasis or a blood sucker of the adivasis?

The CBI had then filed an FIR on 8.12.98 which stated that: "The facts contained in the writ petition, report of Lok Ayukta and its connected papers, prima facie show that the above named officials of Govt. of Madhya Pradesh and land owners namely Mahendra Karma,  Rajaram Todem, Suresh Chand Surana, Srinivasan Awasthi, Brij Mohan Gupta and others were party to a criminal conspiracy during 1992-96 to cause wrongful gain to the land owners in the matter of felling trees. It is alleged that the accused public servants abused  their respective official positions and bestowed undue favours to the
said land owners and others and illegally accorded permission in their favour and in utter disregard of the provisions of the MP Protection of  Aboriginal Tribes ( Interest in Trees ) Rules and Madhya Pradesh Land Revenue Code 1959."

No further action has been taken on this FIR. True to their class character, Lokayukta, Supreme Court and CBI failed to bring to  book these blood suckers of the poor adivasis. These instances are only a tip of the iceberg of such class based exploitation of the
tribals of Bastar and also of the toiling masses of the country. When in 1998 there was a movement in Bastar, led by Arvind  Netam, for provision of more autonomy and for the implementation of Schedule VI, , Mahendra Karma openly stood for the outsider exploiter class and his gang even resorted to physical attacks on Arvind Netam to coerce him into silence. 

Apart from Karma, other prominent leaders of Salwa Judum – Rambhuvan Kushwaha and Ajay Singh are non-tribal immigrants from UP, who have worked as contractors and traders. They have many criminal cases pending against them. Another leader of Salwa Judum  – Soyam Mooka of Konta, a tribal, is son of an ex-MLA. Madhukar Rao of Kutru, is a non tribal and is a school teacher who never attends school. Maureen Nandini confirms ( 'Down to Earth' October 31, 2006): "Most of the Salwa Judum leaders Down to Earth met at Errabore and  Dornapal relief camps were either non-tribal or relatively wealthy tribals. They were school teachers, village heads, traders and contractors,
people who could be labelled the 'local elite', those who suffered most  at the hands of the Maoists."

Under the leadership of the Maoists, the adivasis of Bastar had acquired organizational strength to curb the feudal exploitation by the  likes of Karma, Kushwaha etc. In July 2006, Director General of Police  Rathore admitted that, "Presently there are around 4000 Naxalites and between 45 to 50 thousand Sangham members in Bastar." Mahendra Karma had also admitted to the Independent Citizens'  Initiative team that the Maoists had been organizing in Bastar for two  decades and the shape of their Janatana Sarkar had been fully formed.

So when the state started its fresh onslaught on the revolutionary peoples struggle, these feudal elements saw an opportunity to reestablish their lost authority with vengeance behind the brutal armed mught of the state.

The interest of the Comprador Bureaucrat Capitalists and  their Imperialist masters of monopolizing the natural resources of the region, throttles the development aspirations of the  whole people of Bastar and Chhattisgarh, including the indigenous small industry.

The Bailadilla mines of Bastar owned by the NMDC have been  supplying iron-ore to Japan dirt cheap. On the other hand, a large number of small steel plants in Chhattisgarh don't get their requirement of ore from these mines. Rather, they have to purchase ore from outside, costing anywhere from ten to twenty times the cost of ore from NMDC.

Essar group, a big comprador house of our country owned by Ruia brothers, has constructed a 267 kilometre long pipe-line from Bailadila to Vishakhapatnam to make this supply of ore to Japan even  cheaper.

In 2005 the Chhattisgarh government signed memoranda of understanding with the Tata group to set up a steel plant at Lohandiguda in Jagdalpur district, and with Essar to set up a steel plant at Bhansi in Dantewada district of Bastar. Despite considerable uproar in the Legislative Assembly these MOUs were not made public till a year later. The language of these MOUs is as if the government has signed a blank cheque giving these rich corporates all rights over land, forests, water and mineral resources of Bastar and Chhattisgarh.

When in the gram sabha meetings organized by the district administration, the local adivasi people refused to accept the officials 'advice' to agree to land acquisition, one Vijay Tiwari, an outsider  exploiter and RSS functionary openly declares that the "antidevelopment" elements who are not cooperating are being identified and will be dealt with accordingly. Many of the workers of the Adivasi Mahasabha and CPI who are opposing forcible land acquisitions in  both the Bhansi and the Lohandiguda regions have been arrested and put behind the bars.

What is the scene when a Gram Sabha is organized under the  PESA on the question of land acquisition for the Essar plant? An article  in 'Down to Earth' describes this graphically:
"Dhurli village, Dantewada district, August 30, 11.30 am: Armed police in riot gear stand in clusters around the walled compound where  people of this quiet picturesque village are to gather for a gram sabha  hearing.They are to decide today whether they want Essar steel to set up a 3.2 million tonne plant on their land for Rs. 7000 crore. The
single lane highway connecting this village, lying halfway between Dantewada town and the Bailadila iron ore mines, is lined with cars  and jeeps of district administrators, Essar's top brass, Mahendra Karma and BJP public engineering and health minister Kedar Kashyap, and their respective entourages. They are all gathered inside the

This is the second hearing called to discuss the issue. An earlier one, called on June 10, was cancelled because villagers refused to  turn up. Police officials say there's a possibility of Naxalite attack today,  since the rebels are anti-development. Essar officials say "outside elements" were provoking the villagers to reject the steel plant, so they needed extra security. Pisda, Dantewada's Collector, says villagers were "fighting among themselves"…. and they wanted the  people to speak peacefully.

Gram Sabhas, as per law, shouldn't be attended by outsiders.  Hence, gun-toting policemen keep media personnel – 'outsiders' beyond the walls, while within the walls Essar officials – 'insiders' in  Dantewada administration's lingo – hobnob with state leaders…  Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code, banning the gathering of five or more persons, had been imposed on Dhurli on August 26th. Police had picked up eight villagers that day, on charges  that they had roughed up the Sarpanch, Bhagat Kunjam…
Kunjam doesn't live in the village anymore. The villagers have labelled him 'Essar ka dalal' (Essar's agent) and are baying for his blood. For a while he was staying in Dantewada town's only hotel, but  has since relocated to some unknown address. Villagers say the eight people arrested had been the most vocal about not wanting the plant. Deva Tellam, one of the four people who were released, says the police told them, if they agreed to give up their land they would be  released.

Villagers begin trickling in around noon. H.S.Sethi, Essar's Chhattisgarh director, laughs. "Oh, the meeting won't start till about 4pm," he says. "These people take their time. They will eat and  drink,….and then they will come… They don't follow our schedule"

The compound fills up by around 1.30 pm, however. But there's no meeting. No discussion. Villagers are taken in turns to a room where  officials tell them they have to sign on a piece of paper indicating  whether they are for or against the project. Confused, unable to read what is on the paper, about 30 give thumb impressions. By then, the rest of the villagers in the compound get restive. Why aren't we being allowed to discuss the issue, they ask, creating a commotion. Pisda tells them to "either sign or get out". Angry villagers leave…. 

At Dantewada town the next day, Karma has his own take on the Essar proposal. "Such big decisions aren't taken asking the common  people. No gram sabha can take a decision against the villagers' own  development."

At the district office, Pisda said: "The agenda was one point, yes or no. There have been discussions about this from before, so there  was no need for further discussion at the Gram Sabha."

September 9: The story is replayed. Again Section 144 is imposed on the whole region. The area is sealed off this time. Roads are blocked by Central Industrial Security Force personnel. All the administrators,  Essar officials and MLAs are present again. Few  villagers turn up for the gram sabha, but since this is the second meeting on the subject,
by law no quorum is necessary. The outcome of the meeting is not made public.

September 13: Two reports. One from Raipur by India Abroad News Service says "after months of protests" , villagers of Dhurli and Bhansi had agreed to give land to Essar…

The second report, in the daily Chhattisgarh says thousands took  out a rally in Dantewada against the proposed plant and gave the Collector a note saying they would not give Essar land. This is an extract from the report: "The villagers under the leadership of Dantewada Adivasi Mahasabha and Sangharsh Samiti, Dhurli, said  that on September 9, police had forced them to sign no-objection letters. Two constables were posted at each house. No outsider was allowed at the meeting place. People were not allowed to leave their homes or talk to each other. According to the villagers, at 9 am they  were forced into vehicles, and taken to the meeting. They were taken to a room in twos, and pistols were placed at their temples to make them sign"

Forced by the popular mood and people's initiative, local BJP  MLA from the Lohandiguda area, Lachhu Ram Kashyap was also active in some of the protests of the people against the Tata plant . According to Haribhoomi (Feb. 22, 2006):
"MLA of the ruling party Lachhuram Kashyap said that a wrong  site has been chosen for the the plant. There is an attempt to have a plant in an area of dense population and double crop. Administrative officers and the agents of the company are luring the adivasis to give up the land. ……Speaking during the thanks-giving resolution on the
Governor's address, Shri Kashyap alleged that there is an atmosphere  of terror because of land acquisition for the Tata plant. "

The BJP high command summoned him to Delhi and reprimanded  him for supporting the aspirations of the people of his constituency. He was later flown to Australia to facilitate a change of heart! This is  how a journalist of 'Down to Earth' (October 31, 2006) reported his present situation:

"I had wanted the location to be moved to another spot within the block where the land is uncultivable", he says. But Kashyap's party  made sure he was nowhere near Lohandiguda when the gram sabhas  were held. Kashyap is a subdued man today, aware that his political career is probably nearing an end. "I won't contest this decision any 
more," he says. "It's our government, they want it … I am just one person. Who am I to say or do anything?"

……This correspondent visited Lohandiguda, where villagers said that people in all 12 villages, other than a small group of villagers,  were against the plant proposal, at least in its current form. …. Villagers  say, during the gram sabha on July 20 the administration trucked in people from other villages, paid them Rs. 50 each, fed them lunch and  took their thumb impressions. "

But the people have clearly not given up. Here is the latest  situation based on a report in the daily Deshbandhu of November 23, 2006:
"To control those (people) opposing Tata (steel plant) on Monday  (20th November) police had to resort to tear gas. According to reports,  police also resorted to lathi charge. Terrorized by this, the villagers have locked their houses and fled away to the hills. Most houses of  Sirisguda have a lock hanging on the door. The market place has
been converted into a police camp…

Ex-MLA and President of the Adivasi Mahasabha Manish Kunjam visited the area and said that the issue of Tata Steel had become very  sensitive for the tribal community. Actually the tribals of Lohandiguda region do not want a steel plant on their land.

He demanded that the 13 point agreement between the district administration and the people of 10 villages should be implemented.  He warned that the Sirisguda incident can take a serious turn. The police is beating up tribal women and children. If this situation persists,  then it will take little time for the Lohandiguda region to turn into another

''The Guardian' has carried a story "Inside India's hidden  war" with the subtitle: "Mineral rights are behind clashes  between leftwing guerrillas and state-backed militias". Here are some excerpts: "B Muthuraman, Managing Director of Tata Steel, said: "We are working with the local people. They do want  schools, water, [and] the development that the plant will bring.( Doesn't  he admit that the governments have not brought school, water etc. in so many years? )It is some other elements who caused the problems.
…These "other elements" are now at the centre of a corporate debate over how to exploit resources in the mineral-rich but poverty-stricken  tribal belt in India. Tata Steel would not say who the instigators in  Kalinganagar were, only that they were "extremists". What happened in Orissa, say many experts, could easily be replicated across India, where the same mix of tribal disaffection could bubble up into a series
of peasant uprisings. A bigger danger is, that holding sway over a vast area of India is an armed group of left-wing guerrillas, referred to as Naxalites, who see industrialisation as an unwanted intrusion and threaten a violent contest over rural lands.

With $85bn (£46bn) of investment slated for mineral-rich India including proposals from South Korea's Posco, the FTSE 100 mining firm Vedanta, which holds its annual meeting in London today, and the  world's biggest steel company, Mittal Steel – financial analysts have begun to fret over the implications of trying to build an industry in the
absence of the state. …

The brokers CLSA said in a note last month: "Lack of policy  initiatives and the inability to win over the tribals, the largest stakeholders in the hinterlands where the Maoists hold sway, means the Naxalite movement is becoming stronger." ….

Anirudha Dutta, a senior investment analyst with CLSA, said the  problem was trying to square industrial growth with decades of government indifference. "Kalinganagar was a manifestation of the same problem. This economic insecurity is a serious source of   discontent and is being exploited by the Naxalites. Government has to  take steps to solve this because industry cannot. You are talking of about $30bn of foreign investment here – it is a lot of money," said Mr Dutta. …(May 9, 2006)

And again on August 2, 2006 Guardian observes : "A battalion of  Indian paramilitary forces has backed this militia, known as Salva Judum (Peace March), against the Naxalites, turning the forest into a battlefield. Entire villages have been emptied as tribal communities  flee from the burnings, lootings and killings. The civil conflict has left  more than 50,000 people camping under tarpaulin sheets without work or food along the roadsides of southern Chhattisgarh.

Campaigners say that the reason why the government has  opened a 'new front' in this' battle' lies beneath Chhattisgarh's fertile  soil, which contains some of the country's richest reserves of iron ore, coal, limestone and bauxite. Above live some of India's  most  impoverished people: semi-literate tribes who exist in near destitution. India's biggest companies have moved stealthily into the forest  areas, buying up land and acquiring the rights to extract the buried wealth. Last year the Chhattisgarh government signed deals  worth 130bn Indian rupees (£1.6bn) with industrial companies for steel mills and power stations.

When the Guardian visited Naxalite guerrillas deep in the forests of central India earlier this year, Gopanna Markam, a company  commander of the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army, stressed that the "exploitation" needed to be stopped. "The government is bent upon  taking out all the resources from this area and leaving the people  nothing.

This is not a threat to take lightly. Naxalite bandhs or shutdowns in Jharkhand state, with rich deposits of iron ore and dolomite, have  cost local steelmakers 60 days of lost work a year. Armed rebels have  carried out several attacks in southern Chhattisgarh on the stateowned National Mineral Development Corporation iron-ore mine."

So, while the Indian ruling classes try to cover-up the real agenda,  international media of the finance capital states the main contradiction  quite frankly: Attempt of imperialist loot vs. People's resistance led by the party.


LPG Onslaught No less than a war against the whole people

Conditions of the Peasantry –  Suicides and Indebtedness are rampant The poor starve for lack of foodgrains.

In the last ten years, more than one lakh peasants have committed suicide. But for the ruling classes, the lives of ordinary Indians have  no value. They are happy in pocketing their share of dalali in selling the resources of our beloved country to their masters. A cursory investigation into the spate of suicides by Vidarbh peasants in the last few months lays bare the operation of devastating imperialist loot.

Suicide deaths in Vidarbha since 2001 —————2279
Suicide deaths in the past one year ——————- 728

The U.S. provides huge subsidies to its cotton growers. Here the  cost of production of one quintal of cotton lint is $ 170 (Rs. 7990), the selling price is $118 (Rs. 5546) and the subsidy provided to the cotton grower is $ 100 i.e. about Rs. 4500. After getting such hefty subsidies  the U.S. cotton growers have flooded the Indian market with their cheap cotton.

The U.S. has been constantly pressurizing our rulers to remove all kinds of subsidies to farmers and at the same time reduce the import  tariff. Under the directions of the imperialist masters, our rulers have fixed this tariff at only 10%.

As a result, between 1997 and 2003, we have imported 110 lakh bales of cotton, which is more than the total volume imported since  'Independence'.

In Vidarbha, the cost of production for a cotton farmer is about Rs. 3000 per quintal. And the support price he gets is only Rs. 1700 per quintal. Before the elections, the Congress had promised to increase the support price by Rs. 500 from the existing Rs.
2200 to Rs. 2700 per quintal. But after coming to power, it  decreased the support price by Rs. 500 from Rs. 2200 to Rs. 1700! This is a glaring example of how, in the name of free trade and  globalization, an imperialist power like the U.S. is engaged in plunder and devastation of our economy.

Food rights of the poor through the Public Distribution System are under attack. India has created a network of 5,00,000 fair price  shops to provide affordable food. However this food security and food sovereignty network is being deliberately dismantled. In 2001 – 2002,  wheat production was 69.8 million tonnes and procurement for food distribution was 20 million tonnes. In 2006, inspite of production  increasing to 71.5 million tonnes, procurement has dropped to 9 million

There are instances to show that after exporting wheat at $90 per ton, our government has imported wheat of very bad quality at the  rate of $190 in the same year. In 2001, when the cost of wheat for the Food Corporation of India (FCI) was Rs. 8300 per ton and the market  price was Rs. 7000 per ton, Cargill bought wheat from FCI at Rs. 4200
per tonne! Subsidies are thus fattening Cargill's profits while the poor starve. Even in 2005, the FCI has sold wheat to private corporations  in spite of dwindling stocks. The Government has subsidized wheat exports, which have registered a five fold increase between 2000-  2005.

Thus global corporations export Indian wheat subsidized by India's  tax payers and import U.S. and Australian wheat, subsidized by U.S. and Australian taxpayers and make super profits both ways, while wheat producers and the poor suffer.

The recently formed US-India CEO Forum co-chaired by Ratan  Tata also includes Warren Stanley of Cargill Incorporated. So one can forecast an intensification of this kind of loot. In Chhattisgarh giant  agricorporations – Monsanto, Syngenta and D1 are implicated in various  bio-diversity related crimes, like – illegal trials of GM crops, piracy of the priceless collection of thousands of varieties of indigenous rice, and "stealing of jetropha germplasm" .

Peasants in Ghadsana, Rajasthan face bullets for water  while CM Vasundhara Raje Scindia walks the ramp in a fashion show.

Farmers in the district of Sriganganagar, Rajasthan have been agitating since August-September 2006. At the very initial stage, the  government arrested the leaders of the movement. But the peasants  have forged a unity with the workers and traders of the region and are carrying out a militant mass movement under the banner of the 'Kisan- Vyapari-Mazdoor Sangharsh Samiti.'

The peasants are demanding water for irrigation as per the  agreement signed earlier by the government, and also the release of their leaders. But instead of fulfilling these very just demands of the farmers, the Vasundhara Raje government has resorted to brutal
repression. On several ocassions the army has been pressed into  service, and while carrying out raids in the villages, armed forces had violent clashes with villagers, particularly women. Many women are reported to have been injured in these police operations. Curfew has  been imposed in most of the towns of the district, several times over between September and November 2006. There have been brutal lathicharges. The administration has ordered all licensed guns to be deposited.

"We are not cowards. We will not commit suicide. We will fight the government even if they shoot us or hang us. Water is our right. We will fight for our share of water," said a farmer.

Two years ago in 2004, the militant farmers struggle had gone  on for three months. On that occassion too, the government had resorted to brutal police repression in which eight farmers had been killed. In fact, the main demand of the farmers this year was to
implement the settlement which the government had signed in 2004  for provision of water .
Electricity dues of 3-4 lakh peasants of Haryana waived after the martyrdom of nine peasants: = Rs. 1600 croresDisproportionate assets uncovered of one individual,i.e. – Ex. C.M. O P Choutala = Rs. 1400 crores!

The peasants of Haryana waged a struggle in 2001 against increased electricity bills under the LPG policies. This struggle was led by the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU), Haryana. A militant road-block agitation took place in Kandela in district Jind. Peasants also erected  road-blocks in several other places in the state. The peasants had even taken a police officer hostage for a short while. The Om Prakash Chautala government resorted to police firing at four places to disperse the agitationists. Nine peasants were killed in these incidents but the road-block agitation continued, defying the worst kind of repression.  Peasant leaders were put into jail for long periods under false charges
including the charges of sedition.

Consequently, the Chautala government received a drubbing at the polls. The new government had to waive the pending electricity bills of the peasants totalling 1600 crores. In recent CBI raids the then  Chief Minister Choutala was found to have a whopping 1400 crores of unaccounted money. These two sides of the same coin give complete picture of the present state machinery.

However the present Hooda government of Haryana is not far  behind and is now acting as land broker for the likes of Ambani who are trying to grab vast stretches of land in Haryana in the name of SEZs.

The judiciary in UP vamps to facilitate Reliance SEZ.

Under the directions of the US-India CEO Forum, the Indian government is virtually carving out enclaves in the country, the socalled Special Economic Zones, where neither Indian laws nor taxes would be applicable. The Haryana Govt. is giving 25,000 hectares  and U.P. 30,000 hectares to Reliance.Two SEZs of 14,000 and 7,500
hectares are planned for the outskirts of Mumbai.The West Bengal government has also joined this bandwagon with SEZs at Haldia and Kulpi. Already about 150 SEZs have been approved by the Central  Govt, where it is expected that about 33% of industry would shift. The expected loss in income tax, excise and customs duties (in other words
the subsidies to industry) is a massive Rs 90,000 crores. No labour laws will apply. Only 35% of the land has to be used for factories, leading to the SEZs  becoming real estate speculation centres.

The recent events in Dadri (Ghaziabad) U.P., where thousands of acres of fertile agricultural land are being forcibly acquired for  Reliance far in excess of requirement and at minimal prices despite  widespread protests of the farmers made headlines. Most shocking was the role of the judiciary as brought out in a report of the joint factfinding
team of the National Alliance of Peoples Movements and the PUCL. According to this report, in order to prevent a demonstration  by VP Singh, the Chief Judge of the Lucknow Bench of the High Court entertained a petition by Reliance after office hours on 7th July, 2006,  whereas the jurisdiction lies with the Allahabad Bench. This petition was heard by a Division Bench at 7 pm at their residence, where the  son of the Chief Judgerepresented Reliance and the advocates of the Mulayam Singh government co-operated by appearing. An injunction  order was passed and armed with this the police indulged in  indiscriminate rampage and loot on the agitating peasants the following morning.

Even the Union Rural Development Minister and RJD leader Raghuvansh Prasad Singh terms the promotion of SEZs a land scam,  a ploy to hand over huge tracts of agricultural land to corporate bigwigs. 

If this is the statement of a Union Minister, who is running the country?
Is it not an admission of their puppet status?

Former Prime Minister V.P. Singh says that the government is acting as the muscle man of corporate powers to usurp the land of the  farmers . He has been quoted stating that it would create massive social unrest, which may even take form of armed struggle.

Displacement on a hitherto unimaginable scale Facilitated by brutal state repression
Kalinga Nagar, Kashipur, Lanjhigarh in Orissa In the Kalinga Nagar area, the land of the adivasis was acquired in the early 1990's by the Industrial Development Corporation of Orissa  (IDCO) for Rs. 35,000 per acre and sold to Tisco (Tata Iron and Steel  Company) for Rs.3.5 lakh per acre. When no plant came up on their land even after one decade, the adivasis started an agitation demanding back their land. The govt resorted to brutal police firing on  January 2, 2005 killing 12 adivasis. A policeman was killed by the tribals in retaliation.

Most of the agitationists were shot while retreating or at point  blank range. A 28 year old adivasi woman Jinga Jarka was also killed  while retreating. None of the killer policemen have been chargesheeted. On the other hand, fabricated cases including murder have been instituted against many of the activists of the movement.  But the agitationists are continuing their road-block movement since .  Most of the metallurgical plants coming up in this region are hi-tech export oriented enterprises, with minimum scope of employment generation for the local unemployed youth.

The tribals of Kashipur block in Raigarha district are carrying out  and agitation against their displacement as Utkal Alumina, subsidiary of the Canadian MNC Alcan wants to acquire vast tracts of land and bauxite bearing hills. On December 16, 2000 three adivasis were  martyred when policeresorted to brutal firing. Inspite of severe
repression and the setting up of CRPF posts/ camps in the interior villages, the tribals have not allowed the company to grab their land so far.

Similarly, in the Lanjhigarh block of Kalahandi district, the tribal  people are fighting against a proposed bauxite mining project by the London based Vedanta company (earlier called Sterlite). When these tribals first took out a protest rally in Lanjhigarh, they were brutally  attacked by a gang of company goons. They were chased for nearly
4-5 kilometers away from the town. Since then, these tribals take out their procession carrying their traditional weapons such as bows-arrows and axes etc. and are determinedly facing the goons of the moneybags,  in or out of uniform. Though the mining has been stopped at present, the govt. and the company are exerting tremendous pressure to displace these tribals.

The Koel Karo Anti-Dam Movement in Jharkhand

Bela Bhatia, a researcher of social movements writes: "A FADED green flag flies atop the Shaheed Smarak (martyr's  column) atTapkara village in Ranchi district of Jharkhand State. The flag is changed every year on March 2, one was told, in memory of five  persons killed that day in a police firing at that site in 1946 while they were demonstrating, along with many thousand Munda Adivasis of the region, for the formation of a separate Jharkhand State.  On February 2, 2001 in the newly formed Jharkhand, the police  opened fire on an unarmed assembly of around 5,000 Munda Adivasis, including children, women and men. The dead have been declared shaheeds of the Koel-Karo Jan Sangathan and buried next to the  Shaheed Smarak. Thus 1946 and 2001 have become one in Tapkara  chowk."

In 1984 people under the banner of the Koel-Karo Jan Sangathan had erected a barricade first in 1984 to prevent the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) and government officials from  going to Lohajimi, where a dam was proposed to be built on the Karo  river. In 1995, when the government announced its decision to restart the project, a 'janata curfew' was imposed by the Sangathan and more  such barricades were installed on the road leading up to the dam site. A round-the-clock vigil was kept near the barricades to prevent officials and the police from entering the area without permission. On February 1, a police party broke the barricade without any
provocation. When the villagers protested , they were beaten up badly.  There was a large gathering protesting against the incident, in response to which indiscriminate brutal firing was resorted to. No action has been taken against policemen responsible for the murder of the tribals, while many activists of the movement have been charged under  false and fabricated cases.

The tribal people are still holding out against successive  governments of Marandi, Munda and now Koda each having a procorporate record.

"Essar gets tribal spit on its face"

'Sebydesiolim' has posted this report on a website on 9th October,  2006:"EVEN AS RED-CARPET welcome is being extended to corporate investors in Jharkhand, getting to the ground is not so easy. Essar  Steel learnt this lesson recently on September 29 near the Chaibasa city….when it organized a medical camp in Ulijhari. And, it is here that it got the taste of Adivasi revolt and was forced to beat a hasty retreat.  Tribal chief Antu Hembrom, who was cooperating with the company, was caught and beaten up in front of company officials and the Jharkhand Police, and then tied and paraded through the city market,  with women spitting into his face. Hembrom was also forced to give a
written undertaking that he will not henceforth collaborate with the company. A pot was hung around his neck with a poster reading: "I am  a land robber." A garland of slippers was also presented to Hembrom, who is also the president of Manki Munda Sangh. He was forced to  walk, carrying the poster and the garland, a distance of 4 km.
Essar Steel plans to set up a steel plant and make major  investments in the state. It is among the 44 corporates that signed memoranda of understandings (MoUs) with the previous state  government headed by Arjun Munda. …

The quantum of investments in mining and other industrial plants  are around Rs 66,000 crore. Among the major investors in Jharkhand, besides Essar Steel, are Tatas, Mittals, Jindals, Dempos and South  African De Beers. Each of these companies is finding it tough getting hold of suitable land for its project. A number of officials of these  companies have been prevented — sometimes violently — from conducting surveys, as mostly such lands are inhabited by tribals and   Dalits. …

Essar Steel organized a medical camp in Ulihatu village, where the villagers were given ladoos to eat and some tablets to get cure of the various diseases identified by the doctors at the campsite. Essar  then took signatures of the villagers on a blank paper. Nobody knows what happened to those blank papers on which the villagers' signatures
were taken. The company, in a press statement to the Ranchi edition of The Telegraph called it a "confidence-building exercise" with the villagers whom the company is trying to get rid of.

But ironically it was the company's confidence that got shattered  when angry villagers refused to eat the ladoos and swallow the tablets.  Essar Steel is seeking land measuring 4,000 acres, which is estimated to directly displace about 15,000 persons near Chaibasa. …. All these  villages are in West Singhbhum District's Sadar Prakhand."

Peasants & Adivasis are drowned by the Supreme Court. Fate of much highlighted democratic struggle : NBA

These are excerpts from an article by Arundhati Roy:
"…The reservoir of the Narmada Sagar is designed to be the  largest in India. In order to irrigate 1,23,000 hectares of land, it will submerge 91,000 hectares! This includes 41,000 hectares of prime  dry deciduous forest, 249 villages and the town of Harsud. According to the detailed project report, 30,000 hectares of the land in the Narmada Sagar command was already irrigated in 1982. Odd math. Construction of the dam began in 1985. For the first few years, it  proceeded slowly. It ran into trouble with finance and land acquisition.  In 1999, after a fast by activists of the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), work was suspended altogether.

On May 16, 2000, in keeping with the central govt.'s push to privatise the power sector and open it to global finance, the government  of Madhya Pradesh signed an MoU with the Government of India to "affirm the joint commitment of the two parties to the reform of the power sector in Madhya Pradesh". The 'reforms' involved "rationalising"
power tariffs and slashing cross-subsidies. The same MoU promised central government support for the Narmada Sagar and Omkareshwar dams by setting up a joint venture with the National Hydro-Electric Power Corporation (NHPC). That contract was signed
on the same day. May 16, 2000. Both agreements will inevitably lead to the pauperisation and dispossession of people in the state.

 … With no NBA to deal with, bolstered by the Supreme Court's hostile judgements on the Sardar Sarovar and Tehri dams, the Madhya  Pradesh govt and its partner, the NHPC, have rampaged through the region with a callousness that would shock even a seasoned cynic. The lie of rehabilitation has been punctured once and for all. Planners who peddle it do so for the most cruel, opportunistic reasons.  It gives them cover. It sounds so reasonable.

In the absence of organised resistance, the media in Madhya Pradesh has done a magnificent job. … Newspapers and television channels carry horror stories every day. A normally anaesthetised, unblinking public has been roused to anger.

The next lethal blow is when rates of compensation are fixed. The fortunate people who actually qualify as project-affected, asked, quite reasonably, to be compensated for their land according to the prevailing land prices in the villages in the command area of the dam.  They received almost exactly half of that. ……As a result, farmers who
had 10 acres of land will barely manage five. Small farmers with a couple of acres become landless labourers. Rich become poor. Poor become destitute. It's called Better Management.  At a meeting in Harsud, desperate people discussed the possibility
of filing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) in the Supreme Court. An institution with the idea of Justice. Power, yes. Strategy, maybe. But Justice? Phrases from Justices A. S. Anand and B. N. Kirpal's  majority judgement on the Sardar Sarovar flashed through my mind: -"Public Interest Litigation should not be allowed to degenerate into becoming Publicity Interest Litigation or Private Inquisitiveness Litigation."

-"Though these villages comprise a significant population of tribals and people of weaker sections, but majority will not be a victim of displacement. Instead, they will gain from shifting. " -"The  displacement of tribals and other persons would not per se  result in the violation of their fundamental or other rights". Thus were the thousands displaced by the Sardar Sarovar Dam doomed to destitution.

Then again, on February 15, 2004, in a report that praises the  NHPC for "completing projects like the Narmada Sagar within time and within budget", the Economic Times quoted a World Bank official saying, "The NHPC is moving towards global corporate
performance standards and is improving its financial performance.  We have done due diligence on the corporation and are impressed by the performance."
Who suffers, who profits?

Whose interest is the country's interest?

An editorial in the magazine Analytical Monthly Review (Aug. 2005) reads:
"In 1948, while laying the foundation stone of Hirakund dam, Jawahar Lal Nehru told the villagers, "If you are to suffer, you should  suffer in the interest of the country." and termed the dams as "the temples of development". In 1994 the Govt. of India admitted that 10 million (1 crore) people displaced by dams, mines, deforestation and other development projects were still "awaiting rehabilitation". (A figure  that is considered as gross underestimation by most independent researchers). It was revealed in 2001 that over 700 people displaced  by the construction of Bhakra Dam (started in 1948 and completed in 1963) are still awaiting rehabilitation (The Tribune, 19th December,

According to a study of 58 dams conducted by the Indian Institite  of Public Administration, nearly 62% of the population displaced were tribals (Adibasi) and members of the scheduled castes. But nationally  together they make up only a little over 24.5% of the population. For  tribals (Adibasi) alone, their proportion in the national population is only a little over 8%, while their proportion among the displaced was  over 47%. The same proportions hold true for the mining projects. So the "suffering" is still going on after 58 years of political independence, and the "sufferers" in their tens and millions are the poorest and most  vulnerable." Our country has become a hunting ground for the  multinationals.

Coca Cola Plant in Plachimada, Kerala A Coca Cola plant was commissioned in village Plachimada of district Palghat, Kerala in March 2000 to produce 12,24,000 bottles of
Coca Cola and other bevarages. The company started to illegally  extract about 15 lakh litres of clean ground water per day through 6 bore wells using electric pumps. The ground water level fell from 150 feet to 500 feet, thus drying up other water sources. The company  started expelling its waste water into the fields, and selling sludge as
fertilizer. The crops of the farmers began to get affected and drinking water sources got toxic and polluted. Particularly women, who had to  walk miles to fetch water, initiated the struggle against the company.  They began a continuous dharna. The police arrested hundreds of  men, women and children, but used to protect the company faithfully.

On one occassion 130 protestors were arrested and adivasi women  were manhandled and their clothes were torn. This agitation had even forced the High Court to direct Coca Cola to stop this illegal syphoning  of water, though the company is trying every means to circumvent it.

The peasants of Ghadsana are refused a drop of water, but the Coca Cola company gets 15 lakh litre a day. The Centre for Science and Environment confirms the existence of hazardous levels of  pesticides yet Coke and Pepsi continue to be sold and advertised.
What explains this clout? See the statement of Geoge Fernandes at Page 56-57.

Study the role of the judiciary

It gives a fair picture of the class struggle waged by finance capital  against labour and the toiling people "From the time the Indian ruling classes adopted the neoliberal economic regime in 1991, workers in  the private corporate sector have suffered their worst defeat since independence. The working class has faced a unified anti-worker
multiparty dictatorship, whether the face was that of Chidambaram or Advani, whether judge or party leader or mass media or police, no  electoral exercise has slowed the assault on their ability to resist the extremes of exploitation. … RBI surveys show that, comparing the average of 1988-1991 to that of 2001-2004, the share of wages has
fallen from 49.8% to 39.1%, before tax profit have risen from 28.9% to40.4% and managerial remuneration has gone from 0.2% to 1.0% – a five fold increase"

Aspects of the Indian Economy, June, 2005 In the recent months the Supreme Court has delivered several  judgements hostile to labour, which according to The Associated
Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India (Assocham) are  "landmark" judgements establishing "significant" precedents. Assocham  arranged workshops for managers to discuss the new tools placed at their disposal by the judiciary.

Some of the recent orders amounting to a judicial anti-labour  wave are – – Supreme Court upheld the Bharat Forge Company Ltd. dismissal  of an employee who had fallen asleep. The bench made the sweeping statement that falling asleep at work amounted to a level of misconduct  that could justify dismissal. (Interestingly ,there are so many judges,  of the Supreme Court well -known for sleeping while presiding over the Court. One notable example is of Justice A.R.Lakshmanan) – Allowing an appeal filed by Mahindra & Mahindra Ltd., the  Supreme Court upheld the company's decision to dismiss an employee  for using "filthy" language against his boss 11 years ago. – A Supreme Court bench upheld the dismissal of a group of employees of a Faridabad based private company who had gheraoed  their senior officer. The court said, "Once the participation of the  employees had been conclusively proved, they would not be entitled to any relief in any manner".

– The Tamilnadu High Court, having first declared a strike of  170,000 state government employees illegal then refused to set aside  punitive dismissals stating that government employees "under no circumstances have any fundamental, legal or moral right to go on
strike … Even the trad e-unions, who have a guaranteed right for collective bargaining, have no right to go on strikes." 
– The Calcutta High Court has banned rallies on weekdays.
– The "SAIL" judgement of the Supreme Court ensures that no contract labourer can approach the courts for regularisation.
– The "Uma Devi" judgement of the Supreme Court has rejected  the possibility of regularisation of daily wagers.
– A recent shocking judgement of Arijit Pasayat holding that "casual workmen are not covered by the Workmens Compensation Act" has  opened the doors for employers to literally squeeze out the blood of  workers in low paid, hazardous work.

– The judgement of the Supreme Court in the Balco privatization case prevents trade unions from challenging policy changes in the  public sector.

– The Supreme Court has even held that private security guards  of an industry who shot and killed agitating workmen would not be charged u/s 302 since they were protecting private property, thus giving  a license to private armies of industrialists to murder at will. While the character of the judiciary has been visible in the "Delhi shop sealing case" against small shopkeepers and the "Almitra Patel"  case holding slum dwellers to be encroachers and 'like pickpockets'  deserving only eviction, its bias is most systematic in its judgements against the working class.

Adressing a May Day rally in Calcutta last year Jyoti Basu had  said that the trade unions will have to get " the Supreme Court to  change its views".

On this hypocritical statement, the Analytical Monthly Review has aptly commented that "trade union unity counts for little if the initiative  of the employees …. is consistently discouraged in order to create an  'investment friendly' environment or 'to not destabilize the government'."

The Gurgaon Workers Struggle

One of the important trade union struggles which brought out the  ferocious character of the state was that of the workers of the Honda Motorcycle and Scooter India (HMSI), Manesar, Gurgaon.

The HMSI has around 4000 employees out of which about 3000 are permanent and 1000 are employed on a casual basis. A Japanese  manager kicked a worker on the shop floor in December 2004. The services of four workers who came to his rescue were terminated.  Fifty workers who protested against this unfair dismissal were also
placed on suspension. There were other cases of humiliation and  harassment also.The simmering discontent culminated in the formation of a trade union affiliated with the AITUC.

On 27 June, 2005 the company imposed a 'good conduct undertaking' on the entire workforce: they could not form any union,  call strikes, move courts or ask for monetary increments till 2008. The factory's 3500 employees faced a lockout. … On the same day, several  union leaders were assaulted by goondas hired by the Honda Company and a union leader was thrown from the third floor. He suffered several
fractures and serious injuries.
Three agreements were concluded under the aegis of the Labour  Commissioner wherein the company agreed to take the workers back  in separate batches. However, it reneged on its commitment. The stalemate continued even after the issue was raised before the Prime Minister by CPI Parliamentarian and AITUC National General Secretary,  Gurudas Dasgupta.

So on 25 July, the workers along with other trade unions marched in protest to the mini-Secretariat. A small police squad stopped the procession when it reached the Gurgaon industrial area. In the   afternoon, the workers were called to a park near the office of Deputy  Commissioner for discussions with the administration. While the crowd
was waiting peacefully, a huge police contingent launched itself on the hapless crowd and savaged them. The fact that additional forces were brought in from adjoining districts for this attack suggests prior  planning by the authorities and that the police action had support at the highest political level. Incidentally, Mr. Sandeep Hooda, Manager,  Manesar factory, is a relation of the Haryana Chief Minister, Mr. Bhupinder Singh Hooda. Predictably no punitive action has been taken  against the police or district administration.

After intense pressure upon Honda and the government following  massive and widespread protests in Gurgaon, Delhi and all over India, a tripartite agreement was reached between the management, state  government and the workers.

The Indian Express reports: "India today sought to make the point  that an 'isolated incident' of labour unrest at the Gurgaon-based Honda Motorcycle and Scooter India should not become a benchmark for  judging the investment climate in the country. New Delhi underlined  that the 'legal interest' of foreign investors will be 'fully safeguarded'.

The Government reaction came as a response to Japanese Ambassador Enoki's remark that unrest at the Honda unit could have  an adverse impact on the inflow of foreign direct investment into India". The West Bengal Commerce and Industries Minister and CPI(M) Central Committee Member, Mr. Nirupam Sen lost no time in 'dispelling
Japanese fears' and assured investors that similar incidents shall not  take place in West Bengal.

Mr. Somnath Chatterjee, speaker, was seen to be very disturbed and angry. But this anger was not against the spokepersons of the repressive state, but againt those MPs who were asking disturbing  questions to the Home Minister Shivraj Patil.

When a journalist from the electronic media asked Mr. Gurudas Dasgupta to explain his hypocritical behaviour of supporting a  government carrying out LPG reforms in the parliament and opposing  it in the streets , Mr. Gupta became visibly furious but couldn't say a word. Earlier he had spelled out the limits of revisionism when he said
that if the government didn't agree to their demands they would stage  a walk-out from the parliament. When asked what if government didn't listen to them still, Mr. Gupta remained silent for some time and then  dejectedly said, we shall again stage a walk-out.

Working class movement in Bhilai

Thousands of workers of Bhilai had started their agitation for  implentation of labour laws in October, 1990 under the leadership of Shankar Guha Neogi of Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha. There were many  assaults on them by the private goonda army of the industrialists killing and injuring many trade union activists. More than 4000 workers were thrown out of their jobs for becoming members of the unions affiliated  to CMM. When these attempts failed to curb the agitation, the state police came farward to serve the industrialists. Many lathi-charges,  mass arrests of workers and externment charges against Neogi were carried out. Neogi went to Delhi with 400 representatives of the workers  and submitted a memorandum to the President of India signed by 50 thousand people demanding implementation of the laws of the land  and 'right to life' . Just about two weeks later, on 28thSeptember, 1991 the goons of the industrialists assasinated him. The workers continued  their agitation. On July 1, 1992 there was a brutal police firing by the   BJP govt of Sunderlal Patwa on the workers when they were sitting on
the Mumbai-Howrah line in a rail-roko agitation. In this firing, 16 workers  were killed and more than 100 workers, men and women, were injured  in the firing. No police official was tried for killing of the workers but a large number of trade-union activists were implicated under false charges of murder etc.

Only some partial gains have been achieved in this agitation.  The trade union movement has spread to some new industrial centres. Foreign multinationals are beginning to buy out many of the indigenous industrie  in Chhattisgarh and under the LPG regime, nonimplementation  of the labour laws – even minimum wages and 8-hour
work – is rampant in the industrial areas. The working class bastis are faced with the threat of eviction. Presently the movement is grappling  with these issues with some success. This movement is yet another  example to show the attitude of the state towards democratic movements well within the constitutional framework.

In Chhattisgarh, the movement of the young educated "shiksha  karmis" on the principle of 'equal pay for equal work' is also persisting  despite brutal lathi charges, arrests and repeated betrayals by the Congress-BJP leaderships.

We must learn from the struggles of the Chinese working  class

An article of Robert Weil in the Analytical Monthly Review of June 2006 describes the conditions of the Chinese working class under a  similar LPG onslaught as below:
"With the throwing open of the country to the global market place,  the sale of lands by local officials to developers without adequate compensation to the villagers, and rampant environmental devastation  of the rural areas, this policy has left hundreds of millions struggling to  find a viable way to earn a living, while stripping them of the collective social supports that they had previously enjoyed. Over 100 million
have become part of the massive migration to the cities, seeking work  in construction, the new export oriented factories, or the dirtiest and most dangerous jobs, where they lack even the most basic rights. For many migrants, conditions are deteriorating rapidly as they settle semipermanently  in the urban communities and as their age and health problems mount.

Chinese working classes have not been passive in the face of  their deteriorating conditions and the loss of rights won over decades through struggle and sacrifice in the socialist revolution. Class conflict  and social turmoil have surged to levels not seen for decades. The  workers, peasants, and migrants in China today are mounting some
of the largest demonstrations anywhere in the world, at times involving tens of thousands and resulting in violent clashes with the authorities Even the minister for public security published figures admitting that  "mass incidents, or demonstrations and riots" rose to 74,000 in 2004, up from just 10,000 a decade ago, and 58,000 in 2003. ( New York Times, August 24, 2005) …..

Putting this understanding in a more theoretical context, one  Zhengzhou worker explained that the current system of " bureaucratic capital" is a political problem, not basically one of the economy—an  analysis that could have come straight out of the Lenin's What is to be done ? " It looks economic on the surface, but it is really a struggle
between capitalism and socialism," primarily a question of politics.  China, he said, is "not like the United States, where they never had socialism. Older workers understand this historical context. Most went  through the Mao era and Cultural Revolution. They experienced Mao  Zedong Thought, and their generation wants to bring China back to
'Mao's road.' It is part of the international struggle to protect the socialist  path."

On his recent visit, Chinese President Hu JIn Tao advised CPIM  to be even more pragmatic. Evidently capitalist roader CPC and revisionist CPIM are in the same boat which the people of West Bengal, India and China will be united in rocking!  Often the Maoists are given sermons about entering  the mainstream and contesting elections. However what does an honest analysis of our legislature yield? Let us see:

The recent Lok Sabha elections had clearly been a vote to oust  the LPG policies – overturning the NDA at the Centre, the "blue eyed  boy of the World Bank" Chandrababu Naidu, the kisan killer Chautala, the employee baiter Jayalalitha. Yet the newly elected UPA has not moved even an inch from these policies rather it has pursued them  doggedly. The Sensex manipulated by FFIs and monopoly players was playing a bigger role than the ballot box in ensuring that all the World Bank candidates Manmohan Singh, Chidambaram etc. got ministerial berths.

The most recent products of the legislature – the 'National Rural Employment Guarantee Act', which absorbed the energies of the progressive intelligentsia, NGOs, and parliamentary Left, has proved a damp squib with restriction to a few districts, the usual structural  difficulties in implementation, and the acceptance in principle of a wage less than the minimum wage. Similarly the ineffectivity of the equally publicised 'Right to Information Act', which is sought to be pruned even  before it is implemented, became absolutely clear in Chhattisgarh when the State Government first refused to place the controversial MOUs signed with Texas Power Generation, Tata and Essar on the table of the House, and subsequently they were refused to the Opposition  leaders, even when applied for under the Act. Yet the left parties and NGOs continue to lobby and campaign for more Acts …..and yet more Acts!

The "Left lobby" in Parliament was not able to stall any major  reforms by their empty threats of withdrawing support. Their timid role in the Honda Workers movement in Gurgaon, and even in protesting the brutal murder of three young CITU activists leading an agitation for minimum wages, whose bodies were thrown in the NHPC dam under  construction at Chamba, Himachal Pradesh shows the "academic" nature of their anti-imperialist rhetoric.

The raising of the limits of electoral expenses has reserved the political arena for only the rich and well connected. Feudal or royal  dynasties, film stars, mafia dons, industrialists, communal killers … these are the representatives of the Indian people. And horse-trading and defection has attained new heights as exposed in the present
crisis of the Arjun Munda government in Jharkhand where MLAs are  being abducted and stashed away in various hill resorts to be conjured up in the last moment of head counting for forming the government. It is estimated that more than 100 out of the 574 Members of Parliament are habitual criminals. Shahabuddin, Narendra Modi, Pappu Yadav, Subhas Chakravarti are the most notorious but others are not far behind. In fact, the statistical decline in voting percentages is being offset only by the increasing capacities of heavily funded political parties  to distribute goodies and engage film star campaigners in a competition where political issues hardly figure.

The recent obscenity and throwing of chairs and tables by the "Hon'ble" members of Parliament in one of their usual sectional mock  fights stands in stark contrast to the scene of the few minutes in which the Parliament unanimously passed the increase in allowances and perks of the members. This has intensified the disgust of the people.
It is pertinent that the Lok Sabha which cost Rs. 100/- per minute in the year 1951 now costs Rs. 20,000 per minute. Rs. 3.17 lakh is spent each month on each Member of Parliament. And more and more of this revenue comes, not from taxing the corporate moneybags, but  directly or indirectly from the poor.

After decades of sitting tight on the seat of power in West Bengal thanks to cadre (read muscle) power and exploitation of left liberal traditions of the Bengali middle class, the CPM still "has no alternative"  than taking ADB loans, privatizing public sector, setting up Tata plants, okaying Pepsi and Coke, …Starvation deaths in West Medinipur, Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum and in the tea gardens of North Bengal or the large scale migration of the working class are only symptoms of  the serious socio-economic problems.

The CPM-isation of the Liberation group after coming overground, thereby swelling the ranks of the "honest but ineffective democrats" is evident.

The periodic murmurs of recognizing only national parties, or  emulating a two party system like the US shows that curbing even the limited clout of regional parties in coalition politics is on the agenda. The demand of statehood of the TRS, for instance, is as elusive as ever.

The manner in which the people are forced to vote by the Army and paramilitary in Kashmir is well documented by various journalists and observers and shows the real nature of elections. In this context the talk of making voting compulsory, justified by the provision of giving  an option of "none of the above" is to forcibly legitimize a rotten
parliamentary system.

The incident of 22nd November 2006 in Village Kodaikulam in  Kerala where a poor dalit woman Sarpanch – Balmani Biman was forced  to auction her reserved post for about Rs. 2,16,000 to Karrupaswamy of the upper caste Thevar community after a public announcement by beating of drums demonstrates that reservations are no more than a mirage in the desert of hopelessness. Indeed the Economist has listed  India as one of the 54 "flawed democracies" on the five criteria of free and fair poll, civil liberties, good governance, political participation and political culture. The Anand Bazaar Patrika while reporting this on  24th November 2006 asks, "Why this situation of Balmani? Because  she is a woman? Because she is poor? Because she is illiterate? Or because she is a rusty nut-bolt of a broken down machine called democracy?"

The parliamentary left has nowadays taken to preaching to the  Indian Maoists to emulate the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and join the "mainstream" of the parliamentary pigsty. They refuse to acknowledge that the vibrant mass movement visible in Nepal today,  demanding the end of U.S.-India propped monarchy and the formation of a constituent assembly could only be built up through ten years of uncomprising armed struggle, and the sacrifice of 10,000 precious Nepali lives. Which was all along opposed by these parties and the  revisionist CPN (UML) party of Nepal.

In an interview to the Sahara Samay (2/9/2006) George Fernandes, the first to defect to the "Hindutva" side and an ex-Defence Minister of India who did not demur when he was stripped and searched  on an official visit to the U.S. candidly admits:

"Q. When you were a Minister in the Atal Bihari government the idea of banning Pepsi and Coke had come up particularly when the CSE had revealed that these products have a hazardous level of  pesticide. …. At that time also were there pressures on the government not to ban these products as in 1977?

A. There must have been pressure. Because these (companies) are notorious for this. I will give you an example of their pressures. I  was Rail Minister in the Vishvanth Pratap Singh government. In the tenure of the previous government there had been an international deal. The responsibility of completing this fell upon me. I went to Washington in this connection. I had to bring 200 crore rupees. A  dinner had been organized for me there. There was a Vice President of the World Bank there and we started talking. This Vice President was of some Arab country. Even before the dinner he asked me why do you oppose Pepsi and Coke so much? I replied that the people of
my country oppose them and we have our own soft drinks. Then he said, "Mr. George Fernandes I am not joking". I also replied that I am not joking either. Then that Vice President said, "Allright but I want to  make it clear to you that for us Coke and Pepsi are a litmus test, on the basis of which we decide whether or not we give money to a country. It is pertinent that this Vice President was not an American. He was working for America. I couldn't eat the dinner. I believe  that they blackmail us through all these things." ….

Q. "When iodized salt is made compulsory, the government claims  that it is concerned about the health of the people and when it is established through scientific tests that health is harmed by Coke and  Pepsi, then the government changes its stand. Why do the
governments do this? What has happened to the character of the Government?"

A. "Bribe. All this happens through bribe and nothing else. All this is the work of bribes. Bribes have made the state power  characterless. I have written to the Prime Minister about this. We are going to have a movement on this in some days." …

Q. "The attitude of the Court also appears rather strange!"

A. "In our country anybody can be bought up on the basis of  money. Whether millionaire or billionaire, anybody." Thus Mr. Fernandes has frankly told us how Pepsi and Coke manage the governments of Atal Bihari, Vishvanath Pratap Singh, Manmohan Singh-Ambani Ramdoss, and Budhadev Bhattacharya are  managed, let alone cricket boards. Hunger and disease stalk rural India.

India ranks 127th in Human Development Report.

The October 2005 editorial of the Analytical Monthly Review paints  a grim picture:
"In the very months when the Sensex in Mumbai Stock Exchange steadily rose to cross 8,000 in the hinterland of India's most prosperous state, Maharashtra, 2675 children died of malnutrition within four  months from April to July. They were concentrated in five tribal dominated districts – Thane, Nandurbar, Nashik, Amravati, and Gadchiroli. These are government figures. The Human Development Report 2005 reported that "Bangladesh  has an infant mortality rate of 46 per 1,000 live births compared to 63
for India. Had India matched Bangladesh's rate of reduction in child mortality over the past decade, 7.32 lakh fewer children would die this  year." On HDI ranking, India is again ranked at 127 this year against a total of 177 countries.

Over the last two months, in hospitals in Gorakhpur the death toll, almost all children, from the outbreak of Japanese encephelitis  (JE) has now reached over 700…. At least another 3,040 patients remain hospitalized, most of them children, said O.P. Singh, the state's Director General of Health Services. With a fatality rate between 30  and 60 percent, senior health ministry officials predict that JE could claim over 2,000 lives by December…. Some analysts say it could have been prevented. India produces about 4,00,000 doses annually of a Japanese encephalitis vaccine used in the United States and some  other countries. It is labour intensive and requires three injections to be effective, costing about $3 per child. However, Uttar Pradesh neglected vaccination drives despite smaller outbreaks nearly every  year for the last two decades. An Uttar Pradesh health official noted,  'Though JE is a recurring problem in Uttar Pradesh, we can't vaccinate seven million plus children in the state every season. It will cost us  US$58 million. (Rs. 2610 crores)"

It is to be noted that owing to the proposed SEZs which the Central  and state governments are pressing ahead to establish despite widespread protest, it is estimated that the govt. will lose about Rs.  90,000 crores in revenue. But of course vaccinating children is too expensive for the govt. to contemplate. Thus it is clear that the LPG
policies are wreaking death and devastation on the vast majority of the people of India. Let us see how the renowned Bengali authoress  Mahasweta Devi characterises this situation in her appeal regarding protests against forcible land acquisition at Singur, West Bengal  published on the front page of the Bengali daily "Dainik Statesman"

on 27/11/2006

"A Message of Warning

Singur is in danger! East Medinipur is in danger!
Today just before leaving for Shantiniketan I am giving the readers
a grave message of warning – an S.O.S.
After 29/11/06 the fascist State Government is sending 10, 20 or
maybe 50 thousand police to grab the land in Singhur. There will be
one policeman for each struggling man or woman – that is the news.
All the thanas of district Hooghly are being emptied and police are
being brought from there. Along with them will be CPM "cadre vahini".
They will take Singhur. They will take the coastal and surrounding
agricultural lands of the East Medinipur.
Buddhadev and Bush have become one. I am not able to
have faith in the other constituent parties of the Front. I am addressing
all the people of West Bengal including the writers, artists, intellectuals,
students and women. Intellectuals, do not let the allurement of
governmental awards make you keep a distance. All the organizations
must join in. Rivers of blood will flow. The State Government will deploy
police. Wherever one is, all must go to Singur. Otherwise at least protest
in one's own place.
This is a war. I will say to the women of Singur. Keep chilly powder
and salt with you. Throw it into the eyes of the assailants including the
If it was possible I would have gone too, but I am not able.
Post Script – On Saturday evening there was a Citizens Convention
in support of Singur at Chakdah. Today there is a rally in Barasat. It is
being reported that 40 organisations have signed the memorandum.
This is a war. All have to react collectively. Singur is watching

Mahasweta Devi.


Mechanisms of Imperialist Rule Politico-Economic and Politico- Military

Let us recall, the gruesome picture of adivasis killed point blank  and their mutilated dead bodies in Kalinga Nagar to serve Ratan Tata. Kalinga Nagar in Orissa, Lohandiguda in Bastar-Chhattisgarh, and  Singur in West Bengal. Suddenly the Tata group has come out so aggressively on the  people in various parts of India.

What can this qualitative aggressiveness of the Tata be attributed to?
Well, Ratan Tata has been made Co-Chair of the U.S.-India CEO Forum in the privileged company of Willian Harrison of JP Morgan Chase, along with the leaders of Citicorp, Cargil, Pepsico, Mukesh  Ambani etc.
Clearly ,
U.S.-India CEO Forum is the Imperialist-Comprador seat of power with Ratan Tata acting as the main agent of the imperialists. So he comes out with proportionate arrogance and aggression. The Report of the US-India CEO Forum entitled "U.S.-India
Strategic Economic Partnership" was released during the recent Bush visit. Like Shylock, the U.S. big capitalists are eager to extract every drop from our economy.

The small industrialists of Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand  had resorted to a two-day bandh demanding supply of cheap coal    and iron-ore. For that purpose they had demanded that the government  should take care of the small players, and had also sought  nationalization of precious mineral resources. But on the other hand  the U.S. – India CEO Forum is demanding a new Act to denationalize Coal to monopolize it. Vast numbers of Indians who  find it difficult to make two ends meet are seeking a reduction in electricity charges, but the CEO Forum wants further reduction of subsidies and increased charges in the name of 'honest implementation'  of the Electricity Act 2003.

U.S.-Tata CEO Forum has decided to set up a $ 5 billion private  sector Infrastructure Fund (minority Government participation) with the participation of US companies to fund infrastructure projects under  the supervision of multilateral agencies like the World Bank, ADB and  IFC. There are further proposals to involve the US in the development of Mumbai into a 'Regional Financial Centre'.

U.S.-Tata CEO Forum notes that "Indian infrastructure needs  exceed its funding capacity, which can be met by American  assistance and funding." The Forum sees new possibilities in building Special Economic Zones (SEZ) to cater to overseas as well as domestic markets. "World class infrastructure" and "flexible,  internationally competitive labour laws" would provide incentives for investment. The Forum moots the formation of a task force comprising business interests to work with the Central and State governments to "expedite execution of plans to set up such SEZs"  The Union Carbide gas leak in Bhopal killed more than 7000 persons. The gas affected survivors are fighting for the redressal of crimes committed by a U.S. company. They recently came to know that the U.S. company that had taken up the liabilities of Union Carbide
in Bhopal, namely Cherokee, had negotiated with Citibank, Tata and The Dow Chemical Company, all three members of the U.S.-India CEO Forum. The CEO Forum put forward a proposal applying pointed pressure on Indian officials in this regard, namely: "Specific focus on  resolving legacy issues such as those impacting Dow/ Bhopal tragedy
of 1984 …. would send a strong positive signal to U.S. investors.". Within weeks of these proposals, officials in the U.S. government were dutifully repeating the party line. The U.S. Trade Representative said that he was aware that many American companies have liability and insurance concerns about doing business in India after the 1984 gas leak at the Union Carbide plant in Bhopal. He was quoted as  saying:

"We've raised these concerns with the Indians. I'm hoping that they will be addressed to the satisfaction of our companies …..At the  end of the day, India has worked very hard for this deal and … I would  assume is not going to want their own domestic corporate laws to stand in the way of them actually benefiting meaningfully."'

So the U.S.-India CEO Forum represented by Ratan Tata has become the instrument to threaten the gas affected people  into submission to serve the U.S. masters. Notwithstanding the euphoria of Buddhadev Bhattacharya and others, the much celeberated acquisition of Corus by Tata is actually a fullfilment of the longstanding need of western big capital. It is a well  known fact that Corus had been restructuring its operations since July 2005 and was looking for a low-cost partner in countries like
India, Russia and Brazil.

Experts are of the opinion that the main reason for Corus's interest  in Tata Steel is its access to captive iron ore and coal mines. Comparative cost of a ton of steel for Corus in UK is $320, which is twice of Tata Steel's $160 per ton in India. Tata makes a $1.5 billion of  operating profits (on five million tpa) whereas Corus makes only $1.9
billion on 18 million tpa. This big difference in cost is due to the availability of cheap raw material and cheap labour. Tata Steel has also firmed up plans to set up capacities equivalent  to 33 million tpa, most of these projects also have 100% coverage for  iron ore and other inputs like coal. So, that is where the value of Tata actually lies. It in the availability of cheap mineral resources and cheap  labour. And it is the owners of the land, peasants and tribals and the  labour who are the source of these riches. Therefore they must be looted and killed if they dare to oppose this daylight robbery.

Naturally, Tata does not have money enough to buy out a concern  thrice its size, let alone for projects of 33 million tpa capacity. As the  U.S.-India CEO Forum has succintly put it: "Indian infrastructure needs exceed its funding capacity". After accounting for all the resources  and loans etc. Tata falls short by atleast $6.3 billion. This, it is claimed
is planned to be "raised through debt by Tata Steel UK". and this is a "leveraged buy up". This debt will be backed and serviced by cashflows  from Corus Group. Obviously, the deal is highly leveraged. JP Morgan Chase, Citycorp, Cargil, Pepsico and Mukesh Ambani in the US-India CEO Forum. What greater lever?

It is worth recalling that the great grand father of Ratan Tata had  made the Tata's first big money as a broker, shipping opium to China for British companies. Today his great grandson is acting broker for international finance capital, for enormously precious mineral  resources.

No wonder, whether it is Kalinga Nagar in Orissa, Lohandiguda in Bastar-Chhattisgarh or Singur in West Bengal, Ratan Tata is at the forefront of devastating class-war by the imperialists and the compradors against not only the Maoists in Bastar; not only against  more than one lakh members of DAKMS, KAMS, KABS etc; but also against the whole population of tribal majority Bastar; against the peasants, workers and also the small industrialists of Chhattisgarh,  Orissa and Jharkhand. This is also a war by the number one enemy of  the world people – U.S. state power and its lackeys like Ratan Tata, Manmohan and Raman against the vast majority; it is a war to rob the coming generations of the riches of the mother earth exploiting them  mercilessly, playing havoc with man and nature.

Indo-U.S. Defence Policy Group at Work

Indo-Pak Agreement to have common intelligence network  demonstrates that like Pakistan and Israel, India is a lackey of the U.S., at the most of a different status.
In the recently concluded NAM summit in Hawana, Manmohan Singh and Parvez Musharaff had a meeting on September 12, 2006  and decided to have a common intelligence network. It is apparent that this agreement has been concluded in the U.S. Defence Policy framework. Intelligence agencies are the innermost core of any state
power and relations at that level show the degree of collusion. The  extra legal stature of CIA in the power structure of the U.S. state is quite well known. Pakistan's lackey status vis-a-vis U.S. has been public for some time now. Its notorious intelligence agency ISI (Interservices Intelligence)  has been created by the U.S. and the most decisive influence on it is also exercised by the U.S. For example, uptill now, every single head
of the ISI has been appointed in 'consultation' with the U.S.  Apart from the US-India CEO Forum, master and lackey have  also formed the Indo-US Defense Policy Group. It is through this forum that the strategic ties of US-India are being implemented. Rahul Bedi writing for Frontline (20/7/2002) says army officers  admit that Washington is using the same tested technique with the  Indian military that it used successfully with its Pakistani counterpart. "Washington augmented its influence in Islamabad by regularlydispatching Pakistani service officers and their children to the US on courses and scholarships and even assuring them jobs in the US after  retirement."

Frontline further quotes an officer who had recently been on a  six-weeklong trip to the US saying that a similar co-opting of India's military has begun. So many Ministers and MLAs are also similarly  taken abroad for political brainwash.

FBI has opened an office in New Delhi.
During the last visit to India by U.S. President Bush, there were reports that the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had to undergo  security check by the U.S. security personnel in our own country. Though the PMO quickly came out with a statement denying the same,  there can be no smoke without fire!

We are said to have one of the strongest defence forces with  over 10 lakh servicemen, but the then defense minister George Fernandes did not have the courage to say a word to oppose stripsearch  by U.S. security personnel.

The ex. Defence and Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh and the  whole parliament enacted a big drama about some American mole high up in the govenment but were silenced by one rebuke from their  masters in the U.S. Well, most of them are already party to selling our sovereignty.

A senior officer of RAW – Rabinder Singh was found to be working for the CIA. In April 2004, RAW Chief C.D. Sahay reported this to PMO  and National Security Advisor Brijesh Mishra and sought permission for action against him. Yet he was not arrested. On May 14, 2004  action against Rabinder Singh was approved. On the same day, Singh
and his wife had left for Kathmandu. There U.S. passports were prepared for them on false names and they flew away to the U.S.

Not only Singh, more than 36 Indian Foreign Service officers have  disappeared while on posting in North American countries. It is also  reported by the Bureau of Security of the Ministry of External Affairs that more than 90% do not return from their postings in the North American countries.

And this class of traitors, sitting in parliament, in services or  otherwise, are resorting to every kind of repression in the name of security and development on the revolutionaries and other people fighting for their rights! The ruling classes through Manmohan Singh  sign an agreement with General Musharaff for joint working of RAW
and IB with ISI, and the same ruling class through its media has the temerity to accuse our party that the Maoists are working with ISI! Serious consequences of being a lackey of a crisis ridden,  desperate imperialist superpower.

For a long time now, US is able to maintain its economic dominance through political and military arm-twisting. Even then, its position of economic dominance is fast eroding. In 1950, the United States  accounted for nearly 50% of the world GDP, by 2003 it had fallen to  just above 20%. The U.S. share of global foreign direct investment
has the same graph. On the other hand, share of the U.S. in the world's military spending has gone up to 50%. It is double of what is  spent by the next six largest spenders – Russia, France, Japan,  Germany, UK, and China put together. Though the U.S. is the single superpower, its capacity to act as  a global state is doubtful. This has become all the more evident in its  increasing difficulties in sustaining direct military engagement in just  two small countries – Iraq and Afganistan.

So, it is desperate to have lackeys which can be outsourced low end tasks. The Middle-East is the world's richest oil producing region. The  U.S. has dominated this region since the second world war, though its  dominance was not unchallenged when the USSR was in existence. The present invasion of Iraq by the U.S. is also for the strategic control of oil. Ever since the second world war, the U.S. has also propped up its client state Israel. The U.S. has seen to it that Israel is never at peace with its neighbors. Most of the fighting in the region has been done by the Israeli army. The blood which is shed is of the Arab people  and of the Israelis, and the fruits in terms of oil and the world dominance go to the U.S. From the class view-point, apart from causing untold miseries to the whole populations of Palestine and Lebanon, the toiling
people of Israel are reduced to the role of glorified watch-dogs of the financial interests of the billionaires sitting in the U.S., Jews or otherwise. So, for India, a lackey status to the U.S. is fraught with grave  consequences both internally and externally.

Externally, U.S. will fight its competitive war with China using India as a stooge. It will also see to it that, we are never at peace with our neighbors. 'Aspects of India's Economy' (no. 41) has brought out  extensive material to substantiate this. Let us quote one such example. " While U.S. officers bluntly told the author of the Pentagon study that " We want a friend in 2020 that will be capable of assisting the U.S . military to deal with a Chinese threat", they also admitted that the U.S. and India "do not discuss this (the 'chinese threat') publicly, for such a rationale for the relationship will make the task of selling the Indo-  U.S. relationship to the Indian public exceedingly difficult." So various other justifications are being manufactured and sold through the media. The Indian rulers are part of these schemings, but they dare not  say it openly. Central Minister for Science and Technology, Kapil Sibbal has been quoted saying " If the U.S. faces a challenge in the 21st  century, it will not be from India, (but) somebody from its neighborhood.  U.S. is cosying up with India because of the Chinese challenge. He
hastened to add that he was not speaking in an official capacity." (Aspects of India's Economy) We should remember that when the British  militarily subjugated the Middle-East countries, including Iraq, during  the First World War, the number of Indians who gave up their lives (as soldiers of the Indian army of the British India) far exceeded that of  the British themselves.

Also, though it is true , that it was General Dyer who personally  ordered firing in the Jalianwala Bagh massacre, we must not forget that most of the soldiers who actually fired at the people's gathering  were Indians.

Today, crisis-ridden finance capital is out for aggressive  exploitation the world over. The Indian state's journey towards a tie up with the U.S. as its lackey, is accompanied by the most ruthless  repression on the people of India who are demanding the basic rights
to live. 

The most discredited monarchy in Nepal would not have survived for so long without U.S.-India interference.

There are many instances to show that the military campaign of  the Indian state against the adivasis and the Maoists is being directly  monitored by the U.S. (This has been described in some detail in other chapters.) U.S. imperialism, armed with its executive tools – the U.S.-India CEO Forum and the Indo-U.S. Defense Policy Group. We are in for most bloody attacks on the people of India. This is the gravest  internal consequence of the Indian state acting as a lackey of the U.S.


The State sends out its invading occupational army

In the name of dealing with insurgency – Police, Paramilitary,  IRB battalions Naga and Mizo, behave as an army of occupation.
The stark demonstration of women against the Assam Rifles in Manipur is a testimony.
There are Many Manoramas in Bastar.
Even the Naga people are demanding withdrawal of the  Naga Battalion from Bastar, Chhattisgarh.

A release of the Manipur Student Association, Delhi is excerpted below:
" It has been hardly two years since women of Manipur staged a  historic protest by shedding their clothes off against the rape and  murder of Th. Manorama by the 17th Assam Rifles. The world showed its solidarity to them and demanded repealing of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958.

Among the most painful incidents of the military excesses in  Manipur, the recent detention and torture of Miss Naobi has once  more captured the focus of the democratic struggles against human rights violations in the state.

Miss Naobi, a private school teacher, was picked up on 21st  February evening(2006), when she came to attend the last rites of Vikas, who was killed in an encounter with the Manipur police commandos on 20th February. In a press briefing on 2nd March in Imphal,  she presented her tortured body to narrate the encounter with the  savagery of the Manipur police for the 9 days in their custody.

A widespread movement was voiced for Naobi's safe release. She was released from the custody unconditionally on 2nd March with a  brutally tortured body, deeply wounded psyche and painfully dislodged dignity. What is her fault? Why do the state forces institutionalize  violation of human rights? Why has woman's body always been targeted to exercise 'armed authority' of the State? These are the questions that the democratic struggle poses against the rampant  violation of human rights in the state."

There are reports of continuing atrocities on the people of Manipur by the armed forces and the people are again taking to the streets. On November 13, 2006 police killed N. Binoy just as he was  released from jail. Protesting against this grotesque murder, various  organizations called for a 48 hour Manipur bandh under the banner of the Joint Action Committee. This bandh was a total success and normal life in Manipur came to a grinding halt.

There are many Manoramas and Naobis in Bastar.

One of the most gruesome incident related in the ICI report:
" We met a female inmate of the Jagdalpur Jail who said she  had been picked up while accompanying her brother on a cycle, to  visit their sister. Her brother was shot dead in front of her and she was first gang-raped by the CRPF near the roadside and then sent to the local thana where she was held and gang-raped for another ten days, after which she was sent to Jagdalpur Jail. The other women in jail corroborated that when she first arrived , she was so swollen from the  sexual torture that she could hardly walk. This woman (whose identity   we cannot reveal ) is currently charged under the arms act and dacoity.  This woman was not on the Maoist list of women raped". On 15th August 2005 (ironically) in Karremarka village, the Naga police and Salwa Judum goons caught the president of the Krantikari  Adivasi Mahila Sangathan Madri Sarita, gang raped her and brought  her bleeding and unconscious to the Bhairamgarh Thana, where she was raped for several days. Another woman Telam Jamli of the same village was gang-raped by the Naga jawans and thrown in the jungle  in a state of unconsciousness.

On September 1, 2005 police and the Salwa Judum goons caught Budri, Somari and Munni of Kogam village and gang raped them. Their cloths were taken off and they were dragged to Mirtur police station,  beating them all the way. Korma Santo of Phulgatta village, a member of KAMS, was killed by the Naga police and the Salwa Judum goons in
the most brutal manner.

Four women of Jangla – Munni, Kalmu, Jayyu and Korsa Butke, all belonging to the KAMS were caught by the police and the goons in  a search operation and they were gang-raped. They were taken to a  'relief camp' where they were physically exploited regularly. Mase Parso, 35 years, from village Chinnapalli in Bhairamgarh block, was gang raped by the Salwa Judum goons on February 1, and  then brutally attacked with knife. The PLGA soldiers who had reached  there the next day, treated her wounds. But because of damage to the vocal chords caused by the injury, she has lost her voice.

The Salwa Judum goons (SPO's), from Kotmetta and Jegur village  caught Lakke of Eadwada village and 15 of them gang-raped her in  December 2005. She has been kept in Jangla 'relief camp'.

Women comrades Korsa Santu, Modium Sukki and Kurram Lakki, all leading activists of the KAMS were brutally tortured and murdered  by paramilitary and Salwa Judum goons even as they were bravely  resisting them.

These are only some of the gruesome crimes against the adivasi women. Apart from such direct physical assaults, the thousands of  adivasis, who are forcibly kept in the 'relief camps' are living on the  verge of starvation. There are many reports that women are being forced into selling their bodies just to make two ends meet. The reports
of a large number of cases of medical termination of pregnancies of women SPOs and forcible "marriages" in the camps that have been  filtering out are indeed alarming. The CMO Dantewada has admitted that a number of para-military jawans appear to be AIDS
patients and this fact makes the issue of sexual violence and also of prostitution even more serious.

Atrocities on the people of Chhattisgarh by para-military forces.

Thousands of adivasis protest at Kondagaon against molestation of an adivasi woman by SAF jawans.

Here is a report of the incident and protests by the local tribals carried by the daily Dainik Bhaskar:
"Today adivasis held a mahasabha ('grand assembly') in protest against the attempt by SAF jawans to outrage the modesty of an adivasiwomen in Kondagaon (district Bastar). More than 5000 adivasis of the Bastar division congregated on this occasion.

In the rally, people carrying banners and posters were shouting slogans against the government. During the rally the National HighwayNo. 43 was blocked for quite some time.… On 23rd July two jawans of the SAF forcibly entered a house in the Bandhwapara locality ofKondagaon in the darkness of night and tried to molest an adivasi woman. On the woman raising a hue and cry, the residents of the neighbourhood gathered and caught hold of one jawan. The other ran away and came back with the other jawans of the camp armedwith lathis. After this the jawans got together and beat up with lathis all
the persons present.

… About 125-150 government employees of the division took leave from their offices to attend the rally. These persons concealed their identity to avoid their names being published, Sonau Ram Netam, the President of the Gondwana Samaj  Adivasi Mahasabha said that no-one is concerned about the suffering  of the adivasis. He condemned the terror perpetrated by the SAF jawans on the Markam family and the people of their  locality and demanded that stringent action should be taken." And this incident is far from being an isolated one.  With the heavy deployment of para-military forces in the state, such atrocities by the state forces have become an everyday affair. One such incident had taken place on so-called independence day  15th August 2006 at a village Odgi in district Sarguja so infuriated the  villagers that they gheraoed a thana and demanded that the paramilitary be withdrawn. Here is the report.

Bandh and road-block in Odgi, Sarguja Demand to remove the CRPF batallion.
"On the evening of the independence day celebrations the residents of Odgi (district Sarguja) – teachers, students and other  employees were brutally beaten up by the CRPF jawans. …..Among  the victims of the CRPF atrocities were teacher Pradeep Singh, retd.
Teacher SR Pandey, junior engineer of Pradhanmantri Sadak Yojana Akhilesh Kumar Singh, tailor Abdul Jabbar Khan, tailor Ramprasad  Sahu, Vijay Gurjar and students of the hostel, Jeetlal, Shivshankar,Amrit  Toppo etc. ……Agitated by the incident the residents of Odgi gave an ultimatum of agitation from 7 am and started shouting slogans. The agitated crowd started a road-block by burning tyres. The residents of Odgi disclosed the excesses of the CRPF.

…..They said that beating up of the general citizens is a routine here.The CRPF are involved in sexual assaults on the simple women,  teasing the girl students of the hostel, and entering into houses of the villagers. Indulging in drinking and behaving obscenely is routine. The  villagers said that now the limit has been reached and this can not be
tolerated any more. They demanded removal of the batallion and action against the the accused jawans". ( Navbharat August 17,2006).

In the Gollapalli incident, on November 5, 2004 the police went berserk and shot three young teachers Malla Markam, Santosh Thakur  and Sodhi Hidma and a 12 year old student Hapka Nagendra pointblank in Village Golapalli, district Dantewada, and then released a  statement in the press that three persons were killed in a cross-fire between police and the naxalites. Fortunately one of the teachers,  Santosh Thakur survived and told the true story to the world. Nearly ten thousand people took out a procession along with the Shiksha  Karmi Sangh (Contract Teachers Union) in Konta protesting against these police atrocities.

Jean Dreze, a renowned economist, who had closely worked with the UPA government to draft the National Rural Employment Guarantee  Act had led a Yatra through out the country to mobilize support for the passage of the Act. When the Yatra was passing through Sarguja, the  police led by the notorious SP Kalluri (famed for fake encounters  and custodial torture) resorted to a lathi-charge on the meeting in which several persons were injured including Jean Dreze himself. Kalluri unashamedly made a statement to the Haribhoomi (30 April 05) that  he had suspected that this was a Naxalite meeting.

On 15th October 2006 a trader of Dornapal (district Dantewada) – Shekhar Sah aged 41 years was found shot through the head. The previous evening two Naga jawans had had a dispute with him over a  paltry sum of Rs. 15, when they were purchasing undergarments from  his hosiery shop. They took him with them and the next day his body  was found. On 16th October the traders of Dornapal declared a bandh against the atrocities of the Naga battalion. 

The Indian State uses the same cruel counter insurgency tactics everywhere – Kashmir, Manipur, or Bastar.

Another diabolically cruel assault on the people is through the policy of creating espionage networks and recruiting surrendered  militants to spy on the people and  commit barbaric torture for which  none is accountable. This is most poignantly described by the death row convict of Kashmir – Mohammed Afzal:
" I know from last seven years how the STF (Special Task Force)  men kill the Kashmiris, how they make youth invisible and had  disappeared them while killing them in custody. I am living eye-witness to various tortures and custodial killings and I am myself the victim of STF terror and torture. Being a surrendered militant of JKLF I was  constantly harassed, threatened and agonized by various security agencies like Army, B.S.F. and S.T.F. But since S.T.F. is unorganized, without being unaccountable a band and gang of renegades patronized by the State government. They intrude every house, everywhere in  Kashmir anytime day or night. If anybody is picked up by S.T.F. and his family came to know this, the family only wait to get his dead body which they hope. But usually  they never came to know his whereabouts. 6000 youth have disappeared. Under these circumstances and under this fearful environment persons like me are always ready to play any dirty game in the hands of S.T.F. Just for survival. The people who are able to pay in terms of cash are not forced to do the dirty things the  way I did as I was not able to pay."

His wife Tabassum sums up the situation in Kashmir like this:
"You will think Afzal must be involved in some militant activities that is why the security forces were torturing him to extract information. But  you must understand the situation in Kashmir. Every man, woman, and child has some information on the movement even if they are not  involved. By making people into informers they turn brother against brother, wife against husband and children against parents. Afzal
wanted to live quietly with his family but the STF wouldn't allow him."  Even the Naga people are demanding the withdrawal of the Naga Battalion from Bastar.

There is a strong sentiment in Nagaland against deployment of  Naga forces to carry out repression on the adivais of Bastar in  Chhattisgarh. There have been many articles, statements condemning it and demanding withdrawal of the Naga Batallion from Bastar. The "Morung Express" of Nagaland has stated in its editorial that "The  recent revelations of atrocities committed by the 9th IRB in Chhattisgarh has put Naga consciousness to the test." It also notes that the mere bringing back of the 9th IRB battalion is not sufficient and "The questions  surrounding the formation of IRB, its training techniques, the chain of structural accountability as well as its functional aspects ought to be critically evaluated. These are necessary in the light of the incidents  that have not only occurred in Chhattisgarh, but also within Nagaland itself, where there have been a number of reported instances where IRB personnel, have overstepped their boundary".

This editorial also observes that "using members of an  indigenous community as tools against the aspiration of another indigenous community is tragic".

Irked by this public out cry, the DGP Chhattisgarh has come out with a weird, untenable defense. He has claimed that the Naga Batallion  is so popular in Chhattisgarh that the people are demanding its deployment. He also advised the Nagaland government to  take legal action agaist those who are "making allegations against them. The North-eastern states, fighting for their liberation have been suffering  under military rule and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act for many years, so also Kashmir. DGP Rathore poses as a friend of the Naga people. But his cruel thinking towards not only against the people of  Chhattisgarh, but also towards the people of North East is reflected in  his eagerness towards heavy deployment of para-military all-around.
Frontline (May 20, 2006) reports:

"Director General of Police (DGP) O.P. Rathore agreed that lack of personnel was a major handicap. He said: " We only have six  battalions of CRPF, one battalion of the Naga force and eight battalions of the State police to man an area of 1,35,000 sq. km. Jammu and
Kashmir has 144 battlions to man an area of 55,00 sq. km (sic- actually the area is 2,22,000 sq. km.), and Manipur has 48 battalions to man 22,000 sq km."

Going by these ratios, it appears that the DGP Rathore would like to deploy about 250 battalions of paramilitary forces in  Chhattisgarh! But the lesson to be learnt is that despite such heavy  deployment for decades together, (or rather because of it), the
alienation of the people and even the revolt of the people has only increased.

K.P.S.Gills record in Punjab is soaked in blood  Chhattisgarh government has appointed him Security Advisor to preside over massacres

Praful Bidwai writes: "Gill is a notorious votary of coercion. A  great myth about him is that he effectively, yet lawfully, crushed the  Punjab insurgency. His methods were lawless: torturing suspected militants, harassing their families, deploying unnumbered jeeps and killing hundreds of those merely suspected to have harboured  Khalistanis. The National Human Rights Commission has just  authenticated the judicial finding that almost 2,000 people were cremated without identification in a single year in Punjab. Clearly Gill has a lot to answer for. In a more just society he would be  tried for crimes against humanity.The Khalistani movement died not because of Gill's brutal methods but because its militants antagonised the people. By relying on the Mizo contigents trained in counterinsurgency and more generally on brute force, Gill will visit  even more violence than Salwa Judum on the Chhattisgarh people. He must be stopped in his tracks. Salwa Judum must be disbanded……. The Naxalites have a history of 39 years. They represent something in this society. It won't do to crush them by force."  Meanwhile an interesting news appeared in the newspaper Dainik Bhaskar of August 24th 2006:
29 Jawans Flee from Training. On getting the news of being posted in naxal-affected Chhattisgarh, 29 Mizo Jawans of Indian  Reserve Police ran away in fear on Monday leaving the training midway. They have been suspended from the services……. AIG of Mizoram, Zorammavi said that these jawans not only violated the orders of their superiors, they also tried to take away government guns and  magazines."

Massive clamp down to prevent 8th March 2005 International Womens Day Celebrations in Ambikapur, Chhattisgarh.

Toiling women of the region had been organizing themselves under the banner of the Mahila Mukti Manch. The previous year they  had observed 8th March at Pratappur and Bargarh and thousands of rural women had participated enthusiastically. In 2005, they decided to celebrate 8th March in the district headquarters – Ambikapur. The subject matter of the meeting was the present situation of violence  against women and its relation with Imperialist globalization, and the situation of Sarguja, where rural poverty forces large-scale migration of women and girls to the metropolitan cities mostly for work as domestic   help in the houses of the rich and prosperous.

The Collector had granted permission to the Mahila Mukti Manch to hold the programme on a ground near the Collectorate. But it appears that, realising thousands of women might reach Ambikapur,  the administration backed out at the last moment. They therefore suddenly shifted the venue to a college ground and held their sarkari
(governmental) 8th programme at the venue alloted to the Mahila Mukti Manch earlier. Inspite of prior permission for the programme, thousands  of women, men and children coming for the program were forcibly stopped 20 to 30 kms outside Ambikapur. In protest against this outrageous behaviour, people conducted meetings whereever they
were stopped.

The town looked as though it was under seige, all the crossings of the major roads were manned by machine-gun totting policemen. The police had arrested a woman activist three days earlier, and local newspapers were briefed by the administration that a leading woman  Naxalite had been arrested in a village near Ambikapur with propaganda material for the 8th March programme. This story was utilized to crack-down on the proposed demonstration.

Police propaganda flashed it as a big success, when they arrested  some women and children engaged in preparation for the Women's Day Programme. Whereas those arrested included children – Vyas 12 yrs. Arvind 12, Sushma 11, Rinku 10 and two women – Rekha 32 and Shankha 25 yrs.

Reacting to this, even the mainstream media had observed that these repressive actions by the state police vindicated the Maoist contention that when the state does not tolerate even a peaceful protest demonstration of the women, what other alternative is there for the  people except armed struggle?


The People's War of Resistance in
Bastar (Chhattisgarh) and Jharkhand

To give a vivid description and a partial historical overview

We are beginning with reproducing excerpts of documents already available, namely "Dandakaranya me Janayudha ki 25vi Varshaganth"  brought out recently by the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee  of the CPI (Maoist) and the book, "Inside MCC Country" authored by a noted journalist in the year 2003.

In the eye of the storm "2nd November, 1980. That day the soil of Garhchiroli was
drenched in the blood of Com. Peddi Shankar. He was the first martyr  to sign in his blood, the history of revolutionary movement of Dandakaranya. Since then more than 300 comrades have laid down their lives in the last 25 years.

Adivasis who were oppressed for generations came forward in  struggles in the leadership of the revolutionary party. The adivasis living in the forest realized that actually they had no rights over the forest any more. The slogans, ' All rights of forests to the adivasis' '  Land to the tiller' 'Democracy to the people' generated again the
consciousness for struggle. Brave adivasi heroes – Gend Singh, Baburao Sarmek, Gunda Dhur, Alluri Sitaram Raju, Komaram Bhimu had fought against the British imperialists before the so called   independence. The masses of Dandakaranya drew inspiration from
the rich history of their ancestors and the democratic consciousness born out of these anti-imperialist struggles and resolved to carry on the present struggles. Now under the banner of red flag, they came  forward for struggle with redoubled confidence.

The first battle was against the forest officials who tormented them day in and day out. Their atrocities were checked. As far as possible, they were chased out of the forests. Adivasis declared this forest is ours. On the other hand battle began against the  comprador bureaucratic bourgeousie, such as Bangore, Thapar, Birla etc. who were plundering the forest resources and the labour power of the adivasis, and also against the big contractors and the  government. Masses got organised around the issue of fair wages. 

For the first time in the history, bamboo shoots and Tendu leaves bundles were heated up with the strikes of the adivasi masses. Employers expert in buying up the revisionist and bourgeois trade  unions, and crushing the workers strikes in the factories, had to bend  before the oppressed adivasi people. There was no reply to the question raised by the red flag of the battle that, "can the guns of the police cut the bamboo, can the they collect the tendu  leaves ?"

The oppressed adivasi masses struggled not only against the  government and the capitalists, but they also didn't spare the notorious feudal headmen who had carried out begaar, atrocities and oppression  in the name of social customs and penalties. Their hegemony was demolished. These elements had earlier had a tremendous hold over
village life because of having a large share of land deeds of the forest land and in their occupation of land by clearing the forest. To loosen  their stranglehold, their lands were seized in the leadership of the red  flag. About three lakh acres of land were seized. As a result of 25 years of struggle there is not a single landless peasant in Dandakaranya. We declare it with pride. Through their mass  struggles the adivasis put an end to the exploitation of the traders  who used to loot large quantities of precious forest produce in return for a measure of salt.

The revolutionary politics of Naxalbari clearly declared for the  first time that in this country, agrarian revolution is the only way to  solve the problems of the peasantry and that the peasants have to organize protracted people's war. Definitely we can say that for the  oppressed adivasi masses of Dandakaranya the process of organizing with the aim to capture state power started after 1980. Peasants  organizations came into existence in the villages. Revolutionary movement organized not only the men, but the women and children  too. The dramatic changes brought about by the revolutionary
movement in the country side could not have been imagined earlier. Hegemony of the revolutionary organizations was established in the  villages.

In the initial period of revolutionary activity, these mass organizations worked openly. But later on, with increasing repression, they had to work underground. In the first phase of repression, mass  organizations were crushed temporarily. But the enemy was  unable to crush them completely. Slowly these organizations became active again. By 1995, 60 thousand peasants, men and women, were organized in various mass organizations mainly, Dandakaranya Adivasi  Mazdoor Kisan Sangh (DAKMS), Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sangh (KAMS), Adivasi Bal Sangha,(ABS), Chetana Natya Mandali (CNM) etc. Presently this number has crossed one and a half lakh. Initially, the responsibility of protecting the organizations from the  feudal headmen was taken up by the cadre of the mass organiztions bearing lathis. Later the Gram Raksha Dals came into existence. Now, the basic force the People's Liberation Gurrilla Army (PLGA), the  militias  have taken the responsibility of protecting the mass organizations. They are giving a fitting reply to the repressive forces of the state wanting to crush these organizations. In the direct guidance of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), these organizations are leading  the people of Dandakaranya towards a liberated area. Last 25 years struggle has crystallized the power of these organizations into the embryonic peoples government – Janatana Sarkar. This stage of development of the revolutionary  people's war is illuminating  a new path for the oppressed and toiling people….

The Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (People's War) and the Maoist Communist Centre of India were merged on September 21, 2004 forming the  Communist Party of India (Maoist). With this, the  revolutionary movement of Dandakaranya has become an integral part of the all India revolutionary movement and the march forward with the aim to form liberated areas in Dandakaranya and Jharkhand, is giving the enemy sleepless nights ……."

From "Dandakaranya me Janayudha ki 25vi Varshaganth" Mahasweta Devi, noted Bengali authoress has commented after the historic Jahanabad Jail-Action.

"There is nothing to be surprised. ..I have a good understanding of Jahanabad, Arwal, Bhojpur region. When the land grabber landlords  kill the poor with the guns of Ranvir Sena filled with the ammunition of the government, then these kind of things will certainly happen. When the army has the guns and also the police, then how is the people's  guerrilla war surprising? How the poor, backward dalits have been oppressed throughout is a matter of history to be written. Be it CPI-ML or the naxalites, whoever is fighting for the poor, I salute them" People's  Government.

"……The mansion once belonged to Janardana Singh, the Raja of Vishnugarh in Hazaribagh. Four years ago, a group of about 100 Maoists, all belonging to the MCCI, accompanied by local villagers,  had raided the house and had blasted it off with dymanite, Singh and  his family had sensed trouble and had already fled. All the 3900 acres of land that belonged to him was then distributed among the villagers.  About 30 kilometres away at Madhgopali in Giridih, once stood a similar  mansion that belonged to Baijnath Barnwal, the local landlord. Here the dynamite of the MCC and the wrath of the people against the landlord were even stronger. So, nothing remains of the house now  and 600 acres of his land was also distributed among the villagers.  Girls who had the misfortune of attracting his attention had to spend nights with the landlord. That was the rule. No one dared to protest because he was ruthless," reminisced 70 year old Shiv Mahto  (name changed) of Marmu village in Vishnugarh." He would pick any 
girl of his choice and no one could escape his lust," Mahto said. It is this kind of rapid growth of the popularity, influence and authority of  the KKC's ( Krantikari Kisan Committee) which is giving the govt sleepless nights. Of late, the institutions built by the KKC – even the schools and dams – have been identified as targets by the police. The
intention of the govt. is to create panic among the villagers and discourage them from having any association with the KKC, and, on  the other hand, to lure them back to the govt. by promising relief. So far, the results have been just the opposite.

One early morning in June last year, a large contigent of police swooped down at Chowk in Palamau. Their aim was to pull down a  dam. The reason: the dam was built by the MCCI. Over 200 villagers were arrested for participating in an "extremist project." A month later, the police undertook two similar operations, first in Tutki in Chatra and   then in Jeridih in Giridih. Here too, villagers were arrested for participating in MCCI-run developmental projects.

In May 2001, Menka primary school at Manika in Palamau was destroyed by the police. Vinod Behari Mahto primary school in Giridih  was also bulldozed in the same month. The charges against both were the same. They were being run by the MCCI.

" It is true that we were running these schools. They have been rebuilt and we are still running them. But look at the way the government  is destroying even the schools now. We are surely not teaching the students the art of bomb-making," wondered Krantikari Kisan Committee leader Amaresh.

Party units, comprising the commander, deputy commander, the  section commander and the political commissar, operate in each platoon. Each platoon party committee reports directly to the zonal committee of the MCCI. The party at present has 16  platoons inJharkhand. A company has also been raised by merging three platoons
as a test case. All the platoon members are obviously armed with weapons seized from the police and the CRPF. A platoon has guns, rifles, SLRs, carbines, sten gun, modern Insas rifles and now even mortars and mines. Some platoons in Jharkhand have even seized  LMGs from the police.

"We do not purchase large weapons. We always snatch them from the police," informed Bihar-Jharkhand-Bengal special area committee member Marandi. " Earlier we only had .303 because that  was the only weapon the police had. Now we have SLR's, sten guns,
LMGs and even mortars. Of late, the police have been given AK series rifles. So we will have them too. The more the police use sophisticated  arms, the better for us." Marandi said with a smile.The platoon is the army of the alternative government the MCC is trying to give shape to, Marandi explained. Apart from engaging the police in battle, the platoon  maintain order in the area and participate in political campaigns. They  also help villagers in major constructions such as the building of dams and roads and digging of ponds. Apart from the platoons, the MCCI   also raises local regular guerrilla squads and village level people's militia on a regular basis. " You can't have socialism unless you have a red army," Marandi said."

From 'Inside MCC Country', by journalist Aloke Banerjee

Today every village of Maad has been turned into a

The real essence of people's war is at work in Bastar today.  Virtually, every village has been turned into a fortress. To protect their  villages, the masses and the militias have used ingenious methods like "boobie trap", pressure bombs etc. to resist the enemy forces. People have been hiding their stock of grains in the forests to save it  from loot and destruction by the government forces. In every village, there are two or three sentry posts that function round the clock. In some places, pressure bombs have been placed known only to the villagers. Utilizing the weakness of the mercenary forces to loot  valuables, the villagers put bombs to radio sets which go off on being turned on. Two salwa judum goons were killed in Chinnapalli village  when they tried to rob a radio. A new 'Koya Bhumkal Militia ' has been  formed which along with revolutionary organizations of peoples power and the PL GA have been resisting and retaliating the state's "white terror."

Despite severe repression, massive political campaigns are also  being carried out by the revolutionary mass organizations in the entire Dandakaranya area. A campaign against patriarchy in general and the inhuman brutalities of the Salwa Judum goons and paramilitary forces in particular was taken out through out the area on 8th March
2006, International Women's Day. Between 20th and 23rd March,2006 commemorating the martyrdom of Shaheed Bhagat Singh, thousands  of adivasi peasants held meetings in hundreds of villages and distributed pamphlets. In these meetings, the imperialist loot of Bastarparticularly  of iron-ore from Bailadilla by Japan which the NMDC has extended by another ten years was exposed. On 1st May, a bandh was  observed against Salwa Judum. The central committee of CPI(Maoist) had also called for road-block programmes against Salwa Judum on  June 14th and 15th in Jharkhand, Bihar, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal.

Just a few of the Heroic Actions of the PLGA in Bastar sinceSalwa Judum started
June 1, 2005: Asst. Commander of CRPF R K Mishra and 5 other CRPF personnel were killed when the PLGA ambushed a CRPF combing party near Injeram.

September 3, 2005: 22 CRPF and two state police personnel killed near Padeda village.

Murkinar raid: 11 police/SPOs killed with 49 weapons and 2700 rounds of ammunition were seized. (4 AKs, 2 sten guns, 1 mortar, 14 SLR's) 22nd
 January,2006: A militia squad attacked a vehicle coming from Bijapur to Avapalli bank and seized Rs.5 lakhs.
February 6, 2006: 10 Naga Armed police personnel were killed and 8 others injured in a land-mine exploded by the PLGA  in Kothacheruvru near Bhejji.
February 9, 2006: 8 CISF jawans killed in an attack on Hirauli near Dantewada, (14 SLRs, thousands of detonators and explosives seized).
Is it possible to check the ruthless exploitation of natural resources  with Imperialist rule of Monopoly Capital in place?
New Democracy with the vision of Socialism and Communism isthe only way for the future.
Today, the productive forces have developed to stupendous levels.Yet, the condition of the majority of human beings on earth is absolutelymiserable. There is the unnecessary, irreversible, irreparable destruction of natures bounty under this decadent capitalism i.e. imperialism. In the concrete situation of India today, this throws up  some burning questions. They have to be answered with a vision of future higher societies.
1. Displacement of crores of peasants, specially the adivasis in  Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand and from hundreds of SEZ's. 
2. Ruthless exploitation of natural resources for destructive
production. E.g. bauxite mining for the military industry led by the US.

An article "Marx's Vision of Sustainable Human Development" by Paul Burkett in the Analytical Monthly Review shows how, quite contrary  to the stereotyped vilification by some 'environmentalists', not only do  Marxists deeply share the ecological concerns for sustainable development, but their class analysis of the destructive capitalist system shows the only way to put an end to this deadly journey of  mankind rushing headlong towards destruction.  "Marx was deeply concerned with capitalism's tendency to
"sapping the original sources of all wealth, the soil and the labourer." And he repeatedly emphasized the imperative for post-capitalist society  to manage its use of natural conditions responsibly………

In Marx's view, the "Association, applied to land, …. reestablishes, now on a rational basis, no longer mediated by serfdom, overlordship and the silly sticism of (private) property, the intimate ties of man with  the earth, since the earth ceases to be an object of huckstering." As with other means of production, this "common property" in land "does  not mean the restoration of the old original common ownership, but the institution of a far higher and more developed form of possession  in common." Marx does not see this communal property as conferring a right to overexploit land and other natural conditions in  order to serve the production and consumption needs of the associated producers. Instead, he forsees an eclipse of capitalist notions of land  ownership by a communal system of user rights and responsibilities.
……. Observing capitalism's ecologically disruptive urban concentrations of industry and population, industrialized agriculture,  and failure to recycle human and livestock wastes, Marx and Engels  early on pointed to the "abolition of the contradiction between town  and country" as "one of the first conditions of communal life."………Marx's communism would dispense with the waste of natural resources and labour associated with capitalism's " anarchical system  of competiton" and " vast number of employment ……… in themselves superfluous." Many anti- ecological use values could be eliminated or greatly reduced under a planned system of labour allocation and land  use, among them advertising,the excessive processing and packaging of food and other goods, planned obsolescence of products, and the automobiles. All these destructive use values are "indispensable" for  capitalism; but from the standpoint of environmental sustainability they represent "the most outrageous squandering of labour-power and of the social means of production."

Under socialist reconstruction in the USSR and China, these questions were attempted to be answered practically. Particularly, during the great proletarian cultural revolution in China, the toiling  people of China under revolutionary leadership strove to develop  and carry forward these principles into revolutionary practice by
numerous lively expreriments. In his article 'On Ten Major Relations' Comrade Mao outlined urban-rural relation as one of the fundamental contradictions to be resolved under socialism.


Fighting against the imperialist onslaught, People's War of Resistance in Bastar shows the way

To all the oppressed people of India.

There is a popular saying of Muria adivasis of Bastar,  " Heaven is miles and miles of forest of Mahua trees and hell is miles and miles of forest of Mahua with one forest guard in it." One forest guard by himself does not have the power to make  lives of thousands of people hell. He represents the state power and  there lies his capacity to turn the lives of lakhs of people into hell. This simple adivasi saying has actually captured the crux of what is the real  nature of state power.

Ira Jha in the Hindi daily Hindustan (November 23, 2005) has observed, " This much is a fact that the Naxalites have provided the tribals of Bastar what their elected govt could not provide. Now the  contractor doesn't take away their forest produce in exchange with  salt, they get justified wages for the tendu leaves they collect and
 those teachers who only used to make an appearance on salary day, can be seen teaching regularly. Terror of the police and the forest  officials has decreased so much that the graph of crime in Bastar has  fallen drastically."

Indian state power is in the hands of three classes. On the ground level there are the feudals like Janardan of Vishnugarh, Baijnath of  Giridih, Mahendra Karma, Rambuvan Kushwaha in Bastar. Then there  are the compradors of India like Tata, Ambani, Essar, Jindal, Birla etc. On top are the masters of all, the international finance capital, Cargil
and Monsanto, Citicorp and J.P. Morgan Chase,WB, ADB, and the IMF.

Politically and economically, the imperialists reproduce, or say, consolidate feudalism which is the main prop on the basis of which they penetrate the economy and exercise their strangle-hold over the Indian people.  Apart from this, in our vast and highly complex society with uneven and varied development, there are some very specific features in different regions and the method of concrete analysis of the concrete situation has to be followed.

There were times when the productive forces of human society were not developed enough to prevent certain calamities. Society was at a loss when faced with small-pox, tuberculosis, gastro-enteritis, malaria to name only a few. Even kings could not survive these. In  face of a crop failure, societies were often without foodgrains and vast
populations perished without food.

But today, the productive forces have developed to such a level that, human beings taken together, grow enough foodgrains to sustain  mankind for many years at a stretch. Medical knowledge and technique are so developed today that the killer diseases of yesterday are easily curable. This qualitative development of the productive forces has
the associated factor of socialization of production, socialization of labor and socialization of knowledge. Whatever we have today, is the sum total of labour and knowledge, the input of millions of laboring human beings over the generations. In the production process, there  is a phenomenal socialization, but what about distribution? Can a handful of persons claim that these materials are their products? When one simply lights a gas stove with an electronic spark lighter or an adivasi lights his chulha (earthen stove) with a match-stick, we should  not forget our ancestors who labored so hard to establish fire as an invention of human society.

Yet, does an expectant mother or the child to be born have a better chance of surviving childbirth today? Why is it that the astounding  development in the productive forces and in the science of medicine has not helped, first to reduce and then to (almost) do away with these mortality rates?

Then to what use are these stupendous strides in the productive  forces being put? Aren't a handful of monopolies indulging in destructive production processes robbing, not only the present population but also the future generations of their share in nature's
bounty? Can we expect that the state shall quietly withdraw the lone forest guard who is making the lives of lakhs of adivasis and of the poor people a hell and let them live in peace?

On the contrary, MOU's are there for these forests to be peopled only by guards for their master's benefit. In fact, the MOU signed by  our governments with the ADB as far back as 1996 includes the directives that there shall be a ban on new recruitments in all government posts. According to these directives, new recruitments shall take place only in the police department.

So, the moot question is, how to turn our forest from hell to heaven  by dealing with the forest guard? As has been described in detail in the previous chapters, this hell, wherein, people are undergoing immense suffering – suicides by lakhs of peasants, displacement of  crores, unemployment and uncertainty of employment for the whole
new generation, heavy army deployment and associated atrocities such as the Armed Forces Special Power Act just to mention a few. And on other side is the jump from millionaire to billionaire status for a  few, with malls and multiplexes displacing millions of shopkeepers and  urban slum dwellers. So, what is to be done?

All the political parties are working only as a prop of the present system. Their degeneration has gone so far that, even the common  people do not have any faith in them. The few NGO's which are taking  up some issues that concern the masses, do not go beyond treating only the symptoms, which has the effect of serving as a safety valve.
The people of course are fighting. Where the revolutionaries have their work, people are joining them in large numbers to carry forward  the struggles. Where various other mass-organizations or social organizations are there, people are fighting carrying their banner.  Where there are no such organizations, people are spontaneously going ahead with the struggles. But how can these struggles lead to a  qualitative break from the shackles of this exploitative system? Learning from history, from an objective study of our society and  from the revolutionary practice paid for by the blood of the best among us, we the Maoists are carrying out armed agrarian revolution in the  direction of forming base areas, initially in Dandakaranya, Jharkhand,  Bihar and Andhra Pradesh. Here Janathana Sarkar and Krantikari Kisan Committee are the rudimentary organs of the people's new democratic state, which is a concrete alternative to the present
exploitative and unbearable system.

At present, the vicious Salwa Judum military campaign is being carried out by the Indian state with a clearly expressed intention to target the adivasi masses, who are the main support base of the Maoists  as has been demonstrated earlier. It is very much in fashion for the  officials associated with the repressive measures in Bastar to talk about
taking the water (people) away from the fish ( the Maoists). This establishes one thing for sure, which is that if they are having to strategise and take such large-scale and cruel methods to separate the two, it shows that the party is deeply integrated with the people. There are a number of well intentioned intellectuals and citizens,  who when confronted with the grave situation start thinking, " aren't  the people becoming victims in the fight between the state and the Maoists? " Another related question that crops up is about the violent means adopted by the Maoists and carrying it further they ask whether  by " taking up armed struggle, are you not inviting greater repression?" These are serious questions and we are accountable to the people on these counts. As seen earlier, we find the brutal fascist  state 'emptying the water' to 'kill the fish'. In this context, the people and the party are integrated as a single whole and it is not possible to separate the two however much the commanders take their lessons  from their US experts. The state is trying to separate the two physically or militarily. But when our well-meaning intellectuals counter pose the two, they are doing the same thing theoretically.

We have about one and a half lakh members in our revolutionary  mass organizations in Bastar. The DGP Rathore says there are 45-50 thousand Maoist sangham members. Who are the Maoists? Have they fallen from the sky? Aren't they the children of the growing people's struggle against this unjust and intolerable system?  Today there is a situation of fascist onslaught in Bastar akin to the invasion of an army of occupation. The State is pressing into service spies, mercenaries and feudal bloodsuckers in cruel counter  insurgency tactics. The US imperialists' strategies of ' relocation' and ' scorched earth policy' are being applied with a vengence to facilitate  the loot of mineral resources for compradors. And yet the the state officials are on record admitting that after the initiation of the Salwa  Judum, " there has been a spurt in the Maoist recruitment". In fact, in  this situation of intensification of war, the adivasi people under the revolutionary leadership, have formed a new "Koya Bhoomkal Militia"  and are putting up a determined resistance against the state. Hundreds of villages sought to be emptied or starved are  heroically resisting en masse, they are preferring to join the war of
resistance rather than suffer subjugation silently. Hundred of the  adivasis are daring to escape from the state concentration camps. Even during incidents like the attack on Errabore or the land-mine  killing Pakhanjor traders, people are venting their rage against Mahendra Karma, DGP Rathore, and the Home Minister Netam. Entire  villages are bravely resisting the land aquistion for the Tata and Essar steel plants. Thousands of adivasis protested at Kondagaon against  molestation of an adivasi woman by the SAF jawans. Traders of Dornapal carried out a bandh on 16th October 2006 protesting the
cold-blooded murder of a fellow trader by the Naga jawans. Even the well managed media admits about a rally taken out in Dantewada on  14th November 2006 that :
"More than 50,000 villagers came walking 150 to 200 km to say  that they do not want Salwa Judum. ……The villagers also raised the slogans against Mahendra Karma and also opposed Tata and Essar  in Bastar"

When the police is acting like an occupation army, ousting the  tribals of Bastar from their homes and lands, left and right, the urgent need is to strengthen the resistance against this bloody campaign.  And our intellectual friends still feel that the adivasis are "being ground  between two stones"?

No doubt the State and the ruling classes countinuously devise methods -both savage and subtle, to create divisions among the  people, and even inflict serious losses on the struggling people from  time to time. If the Salwa Judum or the Sendra or the SPO's are  one face of this policy, then the Panchayat Elections or the Forest Protection Committees or the aid agencies are the other. However, the events in Bastar confirm our firm strategic understanding that the  present ruthlessly exploitative system, backed by brutal repression is so structured that it can only feul the urge of vast sections of the people to struggle for their very survival. Such divisions can not stop
the people for long from advancing the struggle and swelling the revolutionary ranks. The stage of 'base area' towards which our party is determinedly advancing, is not merely a territorial concept, but rather  a concept of creating the conditions to qualitatively release the political initiative of broad masses of the people; to create organs of people's political power; and destroy the state's capacity to either "dangle the
carrot" or "wield the stick".

The central issue, therefore in resolving these kind of questions is the understanding about State power, and also the understanding that the vast masses of toiling people are the creators of history. Of  course the lackeys of finance capital had long ago pronounced the  end of history. Yes, it is the people who have the capacity to smash
this hellish semi-feudal, semi-colonial state under the grip of finance capital and carry forward the march of history. The CPI(Maoist) not  only has the supreme confidence in the people but also believes that at this stage of development of productive forces, it is the period of conscious history making.

Intellectuals of Independent Citizens Initiative have expressed,  "Even if your party builds a thousand irrigation ponds and runs schools, can you ever replace the resources that the government has, and to which the people have a right?"

It is true that the resources are there and the people's rights too  are there written in the words of the constitution like 'sovereignty' and 'socialism' But then, there is that lone forest guard turning all the visions of entitlements into hell. The state as an instrument of class rule, of   oppression, for exploiters to use against the people is present throughout. That is how the schools of the state become the barracks of the CRPF and the schools built by the revolutionary people are bulldozed by the state.

Even at the cost of repitition, it is proper to narrate the instance of Lingo, Bodo, Paiku, Mara and Rupa, five poor adivasis of Dantewada who had their land with valuable timber trees. Mahendra Karma along with Gupta, Surana and Awasthi, in collusion with the  government officials looted 16 lakh rupees from these poor adivasis and paid only 1.5 lakh out of 17.5 lakh due to them. The highest  authorities of our country – the Supreme Court, Lokayukta and CBI  took cognizance of the case but nothing came out of it. People are  suffering every day, every hour, every minute, from this instrument of
oppression of the exploiting classes – the state power. So even if the government has enormous resources, the people have no access to these. Notwithstanding the constitution and the elections, this state,   this government, the judiciary, legislature and the executive are the very instruments to deny the people these resources, this state has to  be smashed and a new democratic state of the people has to be established. It is only then that the resources, created by the labour of  the toiling masses and to which their right is inalienable, will indeed be  theirs.

Today the vast masses, the toiling people of India are reeling under devastating onslaught of imperialist policies implemented  through various agencies particularly the US-India CEO Forum. Tata as co-chairman has been anointed to lead on behalf of the imperialist  masters the policy to loot the rich mineral resources and cheap labor in Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand. Thus a fierce battle is raging  in the tribal areas as the adivasi people resist displacement and dispossession and the state unleashes brutal repression to facilitate  the corporate loot. This is at the centre of the corporate debate, as 'The Guardian' had noted.

Thus Kalinga Nagar, Kashipur, Lanjhigarh, Lohajimi, Ulijhari, Singbhum, Singur…..and Bastar.

And today, the people's war in Bastar, is where the most heroic  resistance is being put up. Just like the brave resistance of the Iraqi  people against the US army occupation for oil and hegemony, the people of Bastar in the leadership of CPI(Maoist) are resisting the
hidden imperialist war for loot .They are at the very forefront of the  battle. Their struggle shows the way for the people of India.  In 1967, making a clear theoretical analysis of the rotten exploitative and brutally repressive semi-feudal semi-colonial State, making a decisive break with revisionism, and placing a firm step on   the path of agrarian revolution through protracted people's war the  glorious Naxalbari movement had been initiated with the slogan "Naxalbari shows the way." As the movement of the CPI (Maoist) has  determinedly advanced through countless sacrifices over the past four decades, revolutionary practice has established that indeed "Naxalbari  is the only path".

We end this discussion with a call to the people of this country to  steadfastly stand by the people of Bastar and the revolutionaries in their heroic people's war of resistance against the genocidal onslaught  of the Indian State. And to support the determined struggles of the  revolutionary masses in Jharkhand, Bihar, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and all over India.

We also call upon the people to turn this battle into a war of the  oppressed people of the world to unitedly uproot the imperialist  powers along with their lackeys and indeed dig their grave in the soil of Asia!


Letter of the General Secretary, CPI(Maoist) to the Members of the Independent Citizens' Initiative

The Members,
Independent Citizens' Initiative

Dear Friends,

I received the letter sent by six prominent personalities of the  Independent Citizens Initiative who had visited Dantewara district of  Chattisgarh on a fact finding mission in last May. I could not ascertain when the letter was actually sent as it did not bear any date and I  could get hold of it only recently. On behalf of our Party I thank you all
for your letter and the responsible attitude and genuine desire shown by you to put an end to the armed conflict in Dantewara between the  oppressed adivasis on the one hand and the state-sponsored salwa judum, state police and central para-military forces on the other. I  convey my apologies to you for the long delay in sending a reply, whatever are the reasons on our side.

Our Party appreciates the serious efforts made by you in your genuine quest for finding a resolution to the tragic conflict that had  suddenly flared up in Dantewara since June 2005 and has taken over 400 lives until now. It is indeed heartening to all of us waging a just war  for the liberation of the most oppressed sections of the Indian society  to see democratic intellectuals like you seeking to explore the truth and place it before the world. There are some good articles written by  some of you such as the one in The Hindu by Sri EAS Sharma, which made attempts to present the truth in a more objective manner. He  had correctly analysed the origin and nature of salwa judum in sharp contrast to the barrage of false propaganda that it is a spontaneous  movement and an uprising against the Maoists: "It is certainly not a "peoples' movement" as it has been made out to be. It is a State- sponsored campaign in which unsuspecting Adivasis are used as

ammunition in a war that will serve the private interests of a few." He had also traced the exploitation of the adivasis by the non-tribal tradercontractor nexus: "For decades, unethical land-grabbers, wily traders,  and exploitative contractors, all non-tribals, have dominated the lives of t he Adivasis in this area, undeterred."

I would also make it crystal-clear at the outset that just as you do, our Party too believes "that the well-being and all-round development  of the adivasis in Dantewada and elsewhere should be the central theme of any discussion or effort that impacts their lives, either directly or indirectly." However, what we do not believe, unlike you, is "that the  defence of the rights of the adivasis can be ensured more effectively through political, non-violent and open means, rather than through armed struggle." And it is precisely these diametrically opposite  ideological-political beliefs by our respective sides regarding the means  to be adopted to defend the rights of the adivasis that has led to two differing viewpoints in grasping the reality of the class war in Dantewara. And it is these differing perceptions, outlooks and class  biases that are coming in the way of arriving at a correct solution to  the ongoing conflict, or what could be more correctly described as a war between the revolutionary forces versus counter-revolutionary
forces, that is going on not only in Dantewara but in various parts of  the country. Can you show us one instance from the pages of Indian  history where the rights of the  adivasis were ensured through nonviolent and open means? And not just in India but anywhere in the word for that matter? What have the tribals of Kalinganagar received
for their peaceful protest against Tata Steel? 

You have placed nine questions before our Party. In brief, these are: lack of response from our Party to your call for a dialogue with the government and declaration of cease-fire; our "casual attitude towards  taking life"; the legitimacy of jan adalates like the one held in Manikonta;  that our Party is placing mines "all over"; that we are training minors under 18 in the use of arms and destroying schools used by the CRPF,
our Party's oppoition to the right to vote, road construction and access to government funds for development; putting people to risk and inviting greater repression by resorting to armed struggle; subordinating the int rests of the people of Bastar and Dantewara to our wider goal   of capture of state power; and showing no distinction between civilians and combatants and so on.

Before answering these questions, the tenor and tone of which  unmistakably betray the mind and attitude of the liberal democratic  intelligentsia, I wish to ask you one straight question: How does one get to know the truth from a plethora of facts? Can you say with full confidence that your perception of the reality in Dantewara is not tainted  by your ideological biases against the Maoist movement and violent revolution? Is it possible for anyone, even if one claims to be a neutral  or impartial intellectual, to analyse facts and arrive at conclusions correctly if he/she has an inherent aversion for armed struggle? We know that our answers will not satisfy you. How is it possible when we both have different ideological and political perceptions  towards the means to be adopted to bring the oppressed out of their  miserable conditions of existence? There is no level playing field in the merciless class war between the cruelly exploited, brutally oppressed   majority on the one hand, and the fatty upper five per cent of our society bulging at the expense of the hundreds of millions of poor on the other. In a class-divided society there cannot be any absolute truth. The truth of the oppressed is different from the truth of the oppressor. This has been true right from the time of Spartacus and  the unsung slave heroes who waged struggle against slavery. Either
you were with the slaves, in which case Spartacus and the rebels represented a just cause and truth, or you were with the slave owners  for whom the revolts were merely the unjust acts of the slaves who  had strayed from their duty of serving their masters. Likewise if Bhagat Singh was a hero for the Indian people he was the greatest terrorist
and villain for the British colonialists.

In class conflicts, unlike in ordinary sport, it is impossible to have  an impartial referee who cries foul whenever there is a violation of the rules by either side. For class war is no game played out between  equals based on rules that apply to both sides equally. It is an unequal  war between the mighty militarised state that stands in defence of the propertied classes and their "right" to exploit the majority at will, and   the vast majority of the wretched of the earth—hungry, homeless,emaciated, docile, help less masses—who, in the eyes of the ruling  elites, are not much distinct from the slaves of bygone millennia. Rules  are preset by these very same exploiters through their Constitution with enough provisions for violating the same. Those who imagine themselves to be impartial referees in class war and try to set the rules equally for both sides will ultimately end up as apologists for the  oppressors, in spite of their good intentions and sincere attitude.  Anyone who thinks that he/she is being impartial in a class-divided society is only a victim of his/her fanciful imagination.

You have condemned both types of violence, i.e., violence unleashed by the state and salwa judum goons at the behest of the  imperialist Macs, big corporate houses like Essar and Tata, unscrupulous traders, contractors, as well as collaborationist adivasis
leaders who had become part of the ruling elites, on awakened adivasis masses who are struggling for their just rights and liberation  under the leadership of our Party on one hand, and the legitimate revolutionary violence resorted to by the oppressed adivasis on the  other. You held both sides responsible for the unfortunate situation. How can you equate the violence of the oppressor with the legitimate  violent response of the voiceless oppressed? Whom would such a stand help ultimately? Would it not provide added strength to the  oppressors and help perpetuate their domination? All these have to be pondered over by democratic-minded intellectuals. We sincerely  appeal to you to stand more firmly on the side of the oppressed and then it will not be much difficult to find answers to most of the seemingly  perplexing questions.

Now we shall try to answer your points very briefly:
1. You had called on us to declare a cease-fire and enter into a dialogue with the government. You were dismayed that we had no responded to your call and had even escalated the violence. You also queried whether we are prepared for a dialogue? When the enemies  of the people have a single agenda of suppressing the struggling masses through ever-increasing brute force, where does dialogue  come in? In fact, ever since 1998 we had always been responding positively for a dialogue on the issues of the people provided the  government cried a halt to its repression and oppression of adivasis and created a conducive atmosphere for dialogue by withdrawing the  police and para-military camps from the countryside, punish the guilty officers responsible for murders and rapes, and so on.

Today, along with the above demands, other demands such as:
immediate disbanding of salwa judum, punishment to the perpetrators of atrocities on the people, suspension of the Public Security Act, 2006, removing obstructions on adivasis who want to go back to their  villages from the so-called relief camps have also come to the fore. Is  there any justness in asking us to one-sidedly declare a cease-fire
and go for dialogue without the government first creating a conducive atmosphere? The talks in AP in 2004 had exposed the hypocrisy and heinous game plans of the Indian ruling classes when the government  refused to extend the cease-fire, commenced brutal attacks and created conditions which made second round of talks impossible under  YSR's Congress regime. These bitter lessons have naturally become a deterrent for talks anywhere in the country. To ask us to declare  cease-fire even as the exploiting classes continue their cruel barbaric campaign against the people means asking us to commit suicide. It  is like the poor lamb believing the butcher. We appeal to you to think over the dangerous implications of your call for a cease-fire from our side in today's conditions.

2. You conveyed your worry at our "casual attitude towards taking  away life". Deaths of members of the marriage party returning from  Gadchiroli or of the traders in Kanker were unfortunate incidents that occurred due to mistaken identity. No revolutionary would ever think of committing such attacks on innocent people. * Social scientists and
investigative journalists do not stop at mere facts that happen. They would go into the causes behind these incidents, the history and ideology of those who committed such acts, and the overall prevalent atmosphere that triggered such incidents. Such incidents are  exceptions in our long-drawn revolutionary struggle spanning over 25 years in Dandakaranya. Our ideology and politics teach us to protect the people as the pupil of our eyes. We value life and peace as no other party or even a humanist does. It is our love and commitment to  the people that had drawn us away from our homes and families and goads us on to sacrifice our lives so as the vast majority can live in peace. To accuse us of having a casual attitude towards taking away life is a myth fabricated by the bourgeois media. Our society including  the sharpest critics of the ruling classes are bound to be influenced at least to some extent by this subtle propaganda. With greater care and  more meticulous planning we assure you that we shall strive to avoid  such unfortunate incidents in future.

We are as much grieved as you when policemen are killed in our ambushes and raids. We made several appeals to the policemen and  their families not to kill innocent people or launch attacks on our cadre.  We had issued leaflets appealing the Naga battalion jawans, CRPF jawans to defy orders from their superiors and to desist from attacks.
We have composed a number of songs describing the plight of poor and unemployed youth who are forced to join police force due to lack  of alternative employment. Whenever we attack the police we try to minimise bloodshed. We had never killed any policeman who  surrendered. We do not harbour any anger towards ordinary policemen  but would anyone expect us to remain silent when people are tortured,
killed, women are raped, houses and property destroyed by the policepara-  military-salwa judum goondas? We stand for the defence of the  people's rights and it is for this reason we are compelled to attack those who are snatching away people's right to live. You would not  have suggested a reconsideration of the strategy of people's war itself  just because a few mistakes were committed had you known why; in the first place, we had taken up arms.

3. Regarding the Jan adalat in Manikonta village, the first point  we would like to place before you is that those who were punished  were not villagers as you describe them but were paid SPOs and SJ goons who had committed terrible atrocities on the people in the name of salwa judum. A retribution of that order is a necessity to control  these goons. Common people, generally speaking, do not go to the  extent of killing those who had committed crimes. The fact that hundreds of people who were present in the Jan adalat resorted to this extreme measure shows the pent-up anger and righteous indignation of the people intimidated since June 2005 without a let up. You had questioned for evidence that due process was followed in the Jan adalats. Before such a question is placed we request you to examine the so-called justice system that is being implemented by the  state in Dantewara-Bastar region or anywhere in our country for that matter. Does due process mean engaging professional lawyers (who turn out very often to be unethical professional liars) to prove one's  crime (which is the rarest thing that can happen in our country if you  see real-life criminals occupying highest  positions of power while hundreds of thousands of innocent languish in jails without trial for years without end). When it is a universally known fact that nine out of ten cases do not get justice through the so-called courts of law why should you find fault with people when they themselves punish the culprits as in the Jan adalats held under the  leadership of our Party?The very fact that out of the 57 people taken away by the jan militia  led by our PLGA from the concentration camp, 44 of them were let off after due investigation of their deeds speaks of the fairness of the jan  adalats unlike the so-called courts of law that let off the real culprits  and throw the innocents for long years into jails. Moreover, if we see our past history you will find that several times we had let off even  police officers after detaining them for days when their crimes were not proved in the investigation. Many anti-social elements were simply censured and let off. It is only the most notorious anti-people criminallumpen  elements and proven agents of the enemy who were given the highest punishment of death.

In principle, we are against death penalty and our new system that would evolve after the seizure of power will scrap death sentence.  But now the oppressed people and the revolutionaries are compelled to resort to it for our defence as even our very survival is at stake if  proven counter-revolutionaries are allowed to create havoc with people's lives and pass on information about our movements to the  police. And as for evidence  let me tell you that the excellent evidence collected by us—recorded cassettes of the entire investigation in the  jan adalat which we had placed by the side of the dead bodies for the  world to know — had been taken away by the police. We request you to bring pressure on the government and also ask the courts to direct the police to produce the  cassettes. That would answer your question  about evidence for due process. If you are ready to collect live evidence  then thousands of people in Dantewara are prepared to place the facts before you whenever you come.

4. It is a baseless allegation that we had laid mines all over. People,  to defend their very existence, are compelled to plant mines here and  there in order to check the influx of hundreds of state forces and SJ goons who are creating a reign of terror in the villages. Neither is this  indiscriminate or on an extensive scale. We also do not believe we  can prevent salwa judum by using mines. We are with the world people in condemning the use of mines and all other weapons of mass destruction that create more "collateral damage" to borrow the phrase  from the greatest terrorist of our time, George Bush Jr., and we stand for total ban of these weapons. If the indiscriminate use of grenades, mortars and aerial bombing by the state's forces which are deployed in thousands in Dantewara-Bastar region killing or wounding hundreds of people is stopped then there  is no need for us to use this weapon. We believe that it is people, and people alone, who can smash salwa judum through mass political movements and mass armed  retaliation. Weapons are used by our PLGA and the people's militia as they have to confront an enemy armed with the deadliest of weapons that are used for suppressing the just and peaceful movements of the people. In fact it is the salwa judum and the large-scale atrocities by  the police and para-military forces that had led the people to arm themselves en masse and build armed defence system for their selfdefence. They have every right to defend themselves with whatever kinds of weapons available.

5. As regards training minors under 18 years in the use of arms, we wish to make it clear that our policy and the PLGA constitution  stipulate that no one should be taken into the army without attaining 16 years of age. And this age limit is strictly followed while recruiting.  In the specific conditions prevailing in the war zone children attain  mental and political maturity by the time they complete 16 because they are directly or indirectly involved in the revolutionary activity from  their very childhood. They receive basic education and political training  early in their lives and have organisational experience as members of balala sangham (children's associations).

But now the enemy has changed the entire situation in this region  by pursuing a policy of "kill all, burn all, destroy all" not sparing even  children and old people who are forced to flee the villages and stay in forests and have to arm themselves for their self-defence. When the  enemy is erasing every norm of international law, the oppressed people have the full right to arm themselves and fight. Making a fuss over age makes no meaning in a situation where the enemies of the  people are targeting children too without any mercy. If the boys and  girls do not do resist with arms they will be eliminated completely. The intellectuals of the civil society should understand this most inhumane
and cruel situation created by the enemy and take the side of the people instead of pushing them more onto the defensive by raising all sorts of idealistic objections.

As for destroying schools used by the CRPF as their camps,  neither the people nor our Party think it is wrong. The schools, once  they are occupied by these forces, are transformed into torture chambers and concentration camps and there is no hope that they will once again be used as schools in the near future. Moreover, in  many villages that did not have a school for the past six decades after  the so-called Independence, new RCC school buildings are now coming up on a war footing for providing the needed infrastructure for the 'carpet security system'. People living in the villages know for what purpose these buildings are being built. That is why they have decided  to destroy them and our Party fully stands by the people.

Education of the adivasis is not affected by destruction of school  buildings used by the security forces but by the destruction of entire villages (upto 900 villages had been uprooted since June 2005) by  the state police, para-military forces and salwa judum goondas with active police support. In mid-July thousands of students whose  education was disturbed by salwa judum goondas came into the streets demanding education and gave slogans against police-judum gangs  for depriving them  of education. We must all demand the immediate withdrawal of all police-CRPF camps from schools and colleges in  villages and towns, stop the destruction of villages and killing of teachers and students by judum goons, allow people to go back to  their villages from the so-called rehabilitation centres, and to provide all facilities for education. While destruction of school buildings had  taken place in a few villages where people's very existence has become  a question mark you still think that this is affecting the education of the children rather than seeing it in a larger perspective affecting the
lives of the entire people. We are curious to hear what you would say  of hundreds of other villages which do not have schools although "Maoist threat" does not exist in those villages? It is for you to ponder  over whether we are in any way responsible for the lack of education to the children of Dantewara.

 6. Another white lie doing the rounds  ever since the Maoist movement began to be recognised by a significant section of the people as the only alternative to solve their basic problems, is that we are against development and that we obstruct  people from exercising their right to vote and to participate in government-sponsored development works. Nothing can be farther  from truth. We were surprised to see that you too had fallen prey to this vicious disinformation campaign unleashed by the government
and the media controlled by the big moneybags. You wrote: "Not all the lack of development can be blamed on the government People  have a right to vote, to work on road construction schemes, to access panchayat money, all of which your party has opposed."

Is it true that we are in anyway responsible for lack of development? We had never, I repeat never, opposed any schemes  of the government if those really helped in ameliorating the lives of the people. You can verify this assertion of ours through independent  investigation and not based on complaints from those bigwigs like Mahendra Karma and his agents among the adivasis and the nonadivasi  exploiters who feel deprived of the funds that would flow into their pockets if the Maoists were not present.

Our party spokesperson had already explained what model of development our Party stands for which has been published in the  EPW and hence I will not elaborate much on this aspect. The main point is that we oppose any development that plays havoc with the  lives of the people. You might have known how an Essar and  a Tata managed to get the consent of the adivasis by holding fake gram  sabhas at gun point (see Down to Earth October 31, 2006). There is immense wealth in the areas inhabited by adivasis from Jharkhand to  AP and all the big guns have their greedy eyes fixed on this wealth. Hence they leave no stone upturned to grab this wealth even if it  means massacring the indigenous people, razing entire villages to the ground and  suspending all fundamental rights of the people. In  just the three states Chattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa over three lakh crores of rupees are likely to be pumped in to extract several times more wealth to fill the coffers of these steel and aluminium barons   of India and imperialist countries. And the so-called adivasi leaders like Karma expect fat commissions and bribes from their masters for clearing the areas of Maoists. This is the logic behind salwa judum. We haven't placed a blanket ban on all kinds of roads and railway  lines. We oppose the laying of only those roads and railway lines that are meant for looting the wealth from the region and for enemy troop movement. It is an open secret that the railway line from Waltair to  Kirandul was meant for looting the raw material from Bastar to the imperialist countries like Japan just as the British did during their colonial rule. The proposed line from Raoghat to Jagdalpur is meant for the same purpose. Would you, as enlightened intellectuals support  these mega-development projects that result in underdevelopment and misery for the vast masses?

We support the just demand of the adivasis that the raw materials of the region belong to them, that they should not be displaced from  their homes due to so-called development projects such as mines and steel plants, and that roads and railway lines should not be laid for looting the wealth from the region. We stand in the forefront of
their struggle against these huge projects and the roads and railway  lines meant for draining the wealth from the adivasi areas. We expect support from democratic intellectuals like you to prevent wealth from flowing out of the adivasi regions and from our country itself. We have  our own model of development which you can see in the areas where we have established the real democratic rule of the masses. You know
very well that most of the development funds do not reach the really needy. So much about the story of development.

Even more amusing is the charge against us that we prevent people from voting. The very same marauders who trample underfoot all the fundamental rights of the people guaranteed by our so-called Constitution, lament when the Maoists take up election boycott  campaign. Here we wish to make it clear that people have not only the right to vote but also the right to boycott. But this right is snatched away at gunpoint by the rulers who deploy huge contingents of central forces to intimidate and force people against their will to vote for their very oppressors. This has been most conspicuous in AP where people are threatened with dire consequences if they dare to boycott and, in
several instances, are even pulled out of their houses on the polling day and brought to the booths. During the last elections in 2003 and 2004 in Chattisgarh helicopters were used to create terror and huge para-military force was deployed in the name of preventing the Maoists   from foiling the elections. Just as other political parties have the right to campaign for electing them to power the CPI (Maoist) too has the  right to call upon the people to boycott the elections that are only  meant to suppress them. Never was force used by our Party to prevent people from exercising their franchise. This is easily verifiable from the people in our areas of armed struggle.

Boycott of election is a political tactic of our party to mobilize,  organize and rouse the oppressed masses against the rotten system and to make them realise the necessity to destroy it through people's war. It is only then that election of a genuine people's democratic government becomes possible. With this aim, under our party leadership 
and with the protection of PLGA, the oppressed masses of Dantewara- Bastar region are not only boycotting the election farce imposed by the oppressors, but are also electing their own organs of political power, Janathana Sarkars, with deep political conviction.

7. I shall deal with the 7th and 8th questions together as they are  closely related. Both these question the very strategy of people's war and try to set up an artificial wall between our Party and the masses.  As one of the great founder-leaders of our Party, comrade Charu  Majumdar, pointed out "People's interests are the Party's interests".
There cannot be any other interest for a genuine Communist Party than that of the vast masses. It is not our armed squads that are  waging the actual war but the people themselves.

We believe that it is the people, and people alone, who make history. It is they who have to liberate themselves from all kinds of oppression. Tomorrow if the Communist Party itself changes colour  and becomes a bureaucratic ruler after capturing power, as it occurred in Russia and China, people will wage a bitter struggle against them also. Our Party and armed squads are mere catalysts that help the masses to achieve their liberation. It is the people who are the real  heroes and we awaken them and equip them with the scientific theory of Marxism Leninism Maoism. And theory becomes a material force  once it is correctly grasped by the masses. Our Party and the PLGA are able to survive the severest repression of the enemy because we  are protected by the masses who act as a fortress of steel. One must have a correct dialectical understanding of the interrelationship  between the Party and the masses or else mistakes such as separating
one from the other are bound to occur.

And when you ask us are we not "inviting greater repression by taking up armed struggle", I would say "Yes. But without armed struggle  people will continue to live like slaves without self-respect or dignity and will perish like flies with hunger and destitution." That is why the slogan "better to die in struggle rather than succumbing to hunger!"  has become so popular with the masses. You might be aware of the chilling fact that the number of people who died of hunger and disease  in just the past one decade far exceeds (by five times according to an estimate) those who died in all the revolutionary wars that occurred in the last two centuries?

The ruling classes will not abandon political power or their  exploitation, oppression and suppression of the people until they are  forcefully overthrown. Whether to live a life of slavery and indignity and die of hunger by remaining docile or by peaceful protests (we all know the fate of those displaced by Sardar Sarovar project even after
two decades of non-violent struggle, just to take one instance), or take up arms to completely eradicate the grounds that give birth to all kinds of suppression and oppression in order to live as free and  independent human beings. Our armed struggle is to draw the curtain  on pre-history of humankind and herald the dawn of real history where people become the makers of their own destinies, and not a handful of moneybags and corporate gangsters.

As for measuring the support our Party enjoys among the masses  anyone can easily verify it. The police could not find a single informer in hundreds of villages which made their task of suppression extremely difficult. In fact, it is the immense support that we enjoy among the masses that made the ruling classes sit up and think of ways and  means to suppress us besides deploying the security forces. That was how the heinous strategy of salwa judum evolved by mobilising  non-tribal exploiters, lumpen elements among the adivasis who were  punished by the jan adalats for their anti-people deeds, and people  from villages falling outside the areas of our struggle. It can also be
seen in the turnout in the elections with several villages boycotting the  polls completely or registering extremely low percentages of votes.

8. We totally agree with your last point that "there must be a distinction between civilians and combatants" and that "those who claim  to struggle for the people must struggle responsibly and with full accountability". Our Party had always demarcated between civilians  and combatants. But you say such a distinction does not exist today.
We earnestly appeal to you to point out where we have not made the distinction and we shall certainly correct ourselves if it were true. We do not consider all those who joined salwa judum or those who are forced to become SPOs as our enemies. Nor are the people who are  herded into the so-called relief camps set up by the government to be
treated as enemies. We only consider those who unleash brutal attacks  against villages with the help of the state's forces as people's enemies  and punish them. For outsiders the SPOs might appear as poor adivasis but to the masses of adivasis who had borne the brunt of their cruel attacks the hardcore among the SPOs are even more  dangerous and brutal than the police. Any independent and impartial  enquiry will bring this truth out. We assure you that we shall take even greater caution in this regard.

Yours sincerely,

General Secretary,
October 10, 2006 CPI (Maoist)



The Question of Violence

As mentioned earlier this is the single most important thread  passing through all the articles. That is why we shall deal with this at  length. No real communist is for violence per se. Communists are for a peaceful social system built around equality and justice. But when they seek to work for such a system they are attacked most brutally. This is not only today, but ever since the birth of communist ideology.  They have been butchered, massacred and exterminated by the lakhs  right from the days of the Paris Commune. It would be naïve to think  that the Indian ruling classes, who have a lengthy record of violence  on the oppressed masses, are any better. Besides, it is not just state
violence that people face; in a class society as exists in India violence is endemic to the very system and the oppressed masses face it in  their daily lives — from the feudal authority, by the factory managements, through archaic feudal practices of untouchability,  patriarchy, superstitious beliefs, etc.

Human society, ever since the birth of classes, has moved forward  only through a process of prolonged and tortuous struggles giving  birth to new and more advanced systems. Human society has advanced  only through sustained struggle against the violent state of the ruling  classes of that period. To expect that they will today accommodate those demanding a basic change in the system is to deny the lessons
learnt from history.

For instance, Balagopal has speculated regarding an alternative  response that could have been pursued by the Maoists even after the encounter killings began in AP. Would the govt,, as speculated by  Balagopal, have allowed the Maoists to concentrate on exposing the  anti-poor bias of the govt and extend their mass activity to a point that  would have given their aspiration for state power a solid mass base? If that possibility existed, why, in the first place, did the ruling classes pounce on the legal movement in Karimnagar and Adilabad? There was then no armed activity when the disturbed areas act was declared by the Chenna Reddy govt in 1978. And how does one confront the
attacks by the landlords and the police? BG also asserts that a positive response from the state would have delegitimised the argument for  revolutionary violence. The speculation of BG only displays the illusions of our intellectuals with regard to the nature of the state, rather than a realistic appraisal of the situation.

To put so much focus on violence of the Maoists appears to divert  the issue, where, in the present system the masses have to face violence every day of their lives. Hundreds die each day of hunger, starvation and easily curable illness; is this not violence? Over a lakh peasants have committed suicide in the past ten years; is this not  violence? Feudal and semi-feudal authority in the villages has only force as its major form; is this not violence? Workers in all but the big industries (sometime even there) have to regularly face the hoodlums  maintained by the management and even the police; is this not violence? Women of our country have to face daily patriarchal violence and even thousands of so-called dowry deaths; there is no end to the violence of this system. Dalits have to face humiliation, abuse and  even death on a daily basis; is this not violence? And over and above all this is the daily violence of the state, the Hindutva fascists, the mafia forces maintained by politicians, and the increasing criminalisation
of politics, big business and every aspect of the ruling system. And over-and-above all this is the violence and wars sponsored by the imperialists and their comprador agents.

So, violence is not really the issue; justice is. Or, if Naxalite violence  is to be discussed, it should be in the above overall context of violence pervading every aspect of our system. If not seen in this framework we could fall prey to the abstract bourgeois concept that 'violence  breeds violence'. When in fact revolutionary violence is the only
violence to end ALL violence of the existing system.

One important aspect of today's counter-insurgency operations  is the massive use of an informer/espionage network to decimate the  movements, not only externally, but also from within. Today, this is one of the major weapons in counter-insurgency strategies in the world, including India. This operates from the very village level, mass  organisation level, to covert operations within the Party itself. Massive  funds are being secretly allocated for this purpose. Many revolutionary movements throughout the world have faced trying situations because  of the decimation of vast numbers of their cadre and leading forces, primarily because of this……………… Their existence has lead to the death of thousands and thousand of the best of revolutionaries throughout the world. This has been accompanied by brutal torture to extract information. Earlier the stories of the unbelievable levels of  torture became public; now they make sure that this does not happen by killing off the tortured victim and by legitimizing torture (one of the  'gains' of the war against terror).

What the world sees is only the overt violence of the state not  these covert operations that precede it. While the only long-term method of countering this, is by deepening the mass base of the party  (not mere mass support) and by raising the political level of the party; it is also necessary to deal with them in the immediate sense otherwise it results in the massacre of the best of our cadre. If all persons in  every village are tightly organised (into mass organisations, militia, and party units) it is very difficult for an informer to survive without getting noticed soon. But such intensive organisation takes time and  is not so easy in the bigger villages and the urban bastis. In between the informers are recruited. If not spotted in time and dealt with, it can lead to the decimation of the entire local leadership and also possibly  of other leaders visiting the area. Most of the elements recruited by  the state may come from poor backgrounds, but they are mostly from lumpen or degenerate elements. They are recruits in the covert operations of the police and army. Any leniency towards them can  mean (and has meant) the death of the best of our comrades. Actions  on these forces, are not on  civilians, but on recruits to the police/ para-military forces, and should be seen as such. This is important to understand, in the light of modern-day counter-insurgency in the form of Low Intensity Conflict devised by the MI5 (of Britain) and the CIA (of the USA) and used throughout the world.

There is yet another major misconception; as though the 'innocent'  people are being caught in the cross-fire between the Naxalites and  the police. Firstly, this is not a fact. Secondly, the 'people' are not some homogenous mass, they are divided into classes — the ruling  elite and their hangers-on are with the state while the masses of the oppressed are with the Naxalites. In any conflict the former support  the state terror (as in the Salwa Judum), while the latter act together  with the Maoists to  resist it. This misconception flows from a concept of a homogenous populace linked to the post-modernist thinking of a so-called 'civil society'. The latter term conceals the deep class  divisions within society and results in the above confusion. Though, in all the conflicts between the state terror and the people's resistance there will be some not yet attached to either side, but the majority are  divided into the two camps — a tiny minority being with the state, the masses backing the Naxalites. The above fallacy  passes through allthe articles including that of Sumanta Banerjee when he says " …. the
Maoist guerrillas often betray an immature mind-set by intimidating them, instead of patiently politicizing them". In any village the masses are divided into three sections: the die-hard reactionaries, the  intermediary sections who may vacillate between the two contending  forces, and the masses won over by the Maoists. The above statement
would apply to the intermediary sections; but in reality the bulk of actions taken by the Maoists have been on the die-hard elements.  There may have been errors; and also there may be different  conceptions of who belongs to the first or second category. These can be discussed; but that three have to be clearly demarcated is fundamental to understanding the class struggle at the ground level.  It is a struggle for power. The first category have to be suppressed, or  else they will raise their head again, while the rest have to be patiently politicized.

There are, of course, problems of class analysis and consequently,  incorrect handling of contradictions among the people due to  inexperience of some cadres. Although this is an exception rather than the rule, the state has used these aberrations by magnifying them and many intellectuals who refuse to see the reality have become a  prey to the manipulations of the state often joining the chorus against   revolutionary violence.

Further in the same vein Sumanta Banerjee adds: "Of the two (i.e. state and CRs), the communist revolutionaries who claim to look  after the welfare of the poor and the oppressed, are expected to be  more humane in their choice of tactics and genuinely democratic in getting popular consent for them — particularly when such tactics affect the vast masses of uninvolved citizens. If in their drive for  retaliation they stoop to the level of the police or security forces and  indulge in indiscriminate attacks on soft targets …….".

 Real humanity entails to unconditionally stand by the oppressed. But there is no allencompasing  humanity. If one loves the rose plant intensely we must kill the caterpillar. But if the liberal says, "poor caterpillar, do not hurt it too", the next day they will find the rose eaten up. So also in a class  society, where the man-eating ruling classes, fiercely crush the  oppressed at ever step, real humanity means fierce hatred for their oppressors. There can be no love without hate; there is no allencompassing
love. The Maoists may err in certain actual actions, from which we will take lessons, but "to be more humane" cannot be  linked to the question of civil behaviour with the enemy and their agents in our tactics. If that were so, we will end up like the rose, eaten by the
caterpillar. Having said this, there quite rightly should not be any attack  on soft targets, but targets have to be kept within the framework of the politico-military aims of the movement — both immediate and longterm.  For SB a school building housing the para-military, or, communication towers, may be soft targets, but for the Maoists it would  be part of their long-term aims to counter the enemy forces. And for SB to go on and club the Maoist violence with that of the  Islamic fundamentalists is unjust as nowhere have the Maoists consciously attacked civilians. The so-called civilians of the Salwa  Judum are basically the vigilantes — the SPOs and lumpens — mobilised by the state as a vigilante force to kill, burn, loot and destroy  tribal life in countering the Maoists. Though unnecessary losses should be avoided, like the two children in the Errabore camp, no people's war can be so clinical, as to have no civilian causality. The point is  whether the maximum care has been taken not to affect civilians. The police/para-military have been utilizing this principled stand of the  Maoists in their tactics to counter them. For instance, they travel in  public transport buses along with civilians and use the masses as human shields while coming into Maoist territories.
 They know well the  Maoists will not attack if civilian lives are involved. They also employ  unarmed policemen and home guards to collect information about the Maoists from Naxal stronghold villages, and even use women as informers as Maoists do not easily target such people. 3000 home  guards were recruited recently in AP along with 1500 SPOs as admitted  by the Chief Minister at the Chief Ministers' meeting on terrorism and  Left extremism on September 5th this year. The Home Minister and
DGP of AP admitted that they had deliberately not given rifles in about  500 or so police stations in the state as they were sure Maoists would not attack unarmed policemen.

So, to sum up, while violence is endemic to every aspect of this brutal system, and what the ruling classes indulge in every day. The  violence that characterizes Rayalaseema where the factions belonging to Congress and TDP enact massacres and murders is really heartchilling..

The State has a monopoly over violence, and Naxalite violence is not even a small fraction of what people face in their daily lives. One  cannot appreciate the need for revolutionary violence unless one understands the fascist nature of today's state, the cruelty of the state's forces, tortures and fake encounters, ban on peaceful meetings, and  virtual violation of the basic democratic rights of the people. The fascist nature of the state is exposed when confronted by powerful people's movements as we witness in all those areas of Maoist movement.

In fact Maoist violence is only to put to an end all this violence in this rotten system; to bring peace to our country and people. There is no worship of violence by the Maoists; the reality is that there is no  other recourse in such a brutal, demonic and ruthless system. By giving such arguments the intellectuals are defacto acting to justify  the State maintaining their monopoly of violence. We would sincerely ask the writers of EPW to please suggest how to end the thousands of  other forms of violence of this system? How can the oppressed masses gain justice?

Finally, we wish to state that in the course of the revolutionary movement we do make mistakes on this account; but wherever we  have done so we have never sought to hide it, but issued a public apology. While we will always try and learn from our shortcomings it  must also be realized that no class war can be expected to be conducted  with clinical precision. It is very tortuous and painful; just as the daily life of the bulk of our population is no less agonizing.

(b) Some other major arguments

Here we will take only the major arguments and leave the rest for a future discussion:
(i) There is a tendency to compare the Maoists movements of Nepal and India, pitting the Nepal Maoists present tactics as a supposed  peaceful alternative to the Indian Maoists violent methods. But one should not forget the present victories of the anti-monarchy movement are built primarily on the massive politico-military successful battles by the People's Liberation Army and their ability to beat back the
attacks of the King's army. Their victories are built on the backbone of a 30,000 PLA and one lakh militia and the loss of 12,000 lives. This  fact is brought out in a recent interview with the Hindi magazine Philal  where Com Prachanda, the Chairman of the CPI(Maoist), said: "When we talk with the leaders of these political parties we say that had we  not been armed, there would have been no 12-point understanding. Had we not been armed, Deuba would never have been able to come  out of prison. Had we not been armed, many of you would have been killed because of the feudal monarchy, which murdered its blood  relations inside the Palace……. We also told them that our weapons
only made the revival of your parliament possible, you are not credited  with it, the credit goes to the PLA. …". Besides, change of tactics  depends on the situation in the respectivecountries and the strength of the contending forces. Yechuri, as also many rightist elements has particularly sought to pit the Nepal Maoists against the Indian Maoists.  While the CPM brutally suppresses the Maoists in West Bengal it is hypocritically speaking in praise of the Nepal Maoists. Instead of pitting one revolution against the other it would be far more constructive to  take the positive   experiences of other revolutions and see how best that could concretely be applied to the Indian revolution to take it forward.

(ii) Some of the writers have focused on questioning the very  path of the revolution. The most forthright in posing this question was Tilak Gupta who has said: "…the case for revising the ideological political line and the strategy and tactics of the CPI(Maoist) is quite potent by itself because of the changed international situation and  above all due to the major worldwide setback to socialism." Earlier in the article he also raised doubts on the change to Maoism. So he  questions some of the very basics of the CPI(Maoist). Sagar too after raising questions on a large number of tactical questions — idealizing
elections, pitting mass action against armed struggle, opposing democratization of tribal culture, negating its successes and only  focusing on its supposed lack of presence everywhere (as though all over the world Marxists are making sweeping gains), etc — he goes to  the extent of clubbing the entire 'left', including the ruling class CPI  and CPM with the CPI(Maoist) in a single category by calling for a "genuine confederation of the various Left organisations". Sagar goes so far as to equate the parliamentarians with those leading the armed  struggle by saying: "In the broad context of Indian politics it would appear to him/her that the Left in all its diversity is actually part of one  'parivar' with one component doing nothing but parliamentary work  and the other focusing on armed struggles and the middle consisting of many combinations of these two extremes". Mohanty, while even having his facts wrong (saying that all have equal strength, which not  even the enemies of the movement say) equates the CPI(Maoist) with the revisionist Liberation and Kanu Sanyal groups.

Some have taken certain lacunae within the movement to negate the entire path, others negate it in the name of 'changed situation'  and yet others negate it by obfuscating the lines of demarcation between Marxism and revisionism. Now to take some of these arguments: As Tilak says it is true that there have been some changes in the international situation, though the basic essence of imperialism  has not changed. But the changes, linked with the economic crisis, and the increasing ferocity of imperialism, particularly the US, would warrant more extensive and deeper armed resistance than what we have today. Witness what happened in Iraq, or the arrogance displayed 
by Israel in Lebanon and Palestine; or the massacres of communists and even liberal opposition in Latin America; the butchery of even hundreds of mass leaders in the Philippines; etc. The much talked of 'space' for the revolutionaries and democrats is shrinking, not because  of the armed activities of the Maoists, but because of the  increasing fascist nature that imperialism and its agents throughout the globe are acquiring due to the growing economic crisis. Even in the field of entertainment serious democratic artists are feeling this reduction in  space. This is very clear in India where the governments at the Centre and the States are developing their armed might daily, on a scale never seen before. More than the intellectuals, they realize that with
the aggressive implementation of their polices of LPG mass revolts  will have to be dealt with. So, it is not clear in which direction does Tilak pose the case for revising the ideological-political line and the strategy and tactics of the CPI(Maoist). There is need for much greater  depth of analysis before making such far-reaching statements.

Well-meaning intellectuals need to fight for democratic space from the fascist rulers backed by the world's biggest terrorist, US imperialism, while appreciating the role played by the revolutionaries in confronting  the fascist rulers through all forms of struggle, including armed struggle. In fact, the armed struggle has created the space for the oppresses  masses to exercise their will and develop their lives.

Today if the movement is weak in many parts of the country, the  need is to strengthen it there, not change to the path to some vague "genuine confederation of the various Left organisations". What is  needed is not such an amorphous conglomeration, but of a genuine United Front of the four classes of the workers, peasants, middle  classes and the national bourgeoisie. An effective UF is the only way to rally all the anti- imperialist, anti-feudal forces and not a  confederation of the various Left organizations which blurrs the basic distinction between the different class forces, and liquidates the edge
of the revolution by considering enemies as friends. History of all  revolutions, particularly that of Russia and China, have clearly shown that victory was only possible by fighting an uncompromising ideological-political battle with all forms of revisionism. And where they  compromised, the socialist goal was lost though they may have been
militarily victorious as in Vietnam, Cuba, North Korea, etc.

It is true that fixed and rigid dogma does not help one bit in advancing the revolutionary movement against such a sophisticated  enemy. There is the need for utmost creativity in taking on a giant like the Indian State machinery with their long experience in suppressing the people, and the guidance it gets from the American intelligence.
But in the name of 'creativity' if we seek a compromise with reform and revisionism, the revolution will be defeated from the very start.


Posted in Books, CPI (Maoist) | 1 Comment »

Telungu booklet on Salwajudam

Posted by Indian Vanguard on May 29, 2007

Poru Mahila salwa judam special. I don’t know it’s content.We received this document by an email from an unknown individual. Downlaod


Posted in Books, CPI (Maoist), Salwa Judum | Leave a Comment »

Salwa Judam a ‘New front of Hiden War’ The Inside story

Posted by Indian Vanguard on May 28, 2007

We introduce a booklet on Salwa judam published by CPI(Maoist) Chhattisgarh State committe . Download


Introduction 7

Factual Description of Salwa Judum 13

The Class Basis: Concrete role of
the Feudals, CBB & Imperialists 34

LPG Onslaught: No less than a war
against the whole people43

The Mechanisms of Imperialist Rule: 67

Politico-Economic & Politico-Military
Chapter 5 The State sends out its invading 75

Occupational army
Chapter 6 The People’s War of Resistance 85

in Bastar (Chhattisgarh) & Jharkhand
Conclusion 94

Appendix 1 Letter of the CPI (Maoist) to the ICI. 102

Appendix 2 Excerpts from the article “Maoists in India – 116

Posted in Books, Chhatisgadh, CPI (Maoist) | Leave a Comment »