Naxal Resistance

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Archive for April 28th, 2007

The world we live..

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 28, 2007

Courtesy: Bhumkal Bastar

Scoroll Down…..






This is also the story of a great nation called India……

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Hazaaron Khwaishein Aisi relives ?70s

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 28, 2007

Director Sudhir Mishra’s Hazaaron Khwaishein Aisi relives the ’70s and is a tribute to the burning issues of the time that may still seek a redress.

Remember the ’70s – Bell Bottoms, Rock ‘N’ Roll, The Hippies, Satyajit Ray, The Typewriter, Guerrillas, Kissa Kursi Ka, The Naxalites, Vietnam War, Sholay, The Beatles, The Emergency, Garibi Hatao!, Ayatollah Khomeini, The twist and Jaiprakash Narayan! – Hazaaron Khwaishein Aisi (HKA) is film about all that and more.


Mishra who grew up amdist all these says, “HKA is probably my most personal film. Through Hazaaron… I have strived to understand a generation that has inspired me, disgusted me, challenged me and puzzled me through the years – a generation grappling with their solutions for a better system and a generation ridden with ironies of egalitarian dreams on one hand and corroding fraudulence on the other. The film is set in a period which I grew up and empathised with.”


Hazaaron Khwaishein Aisi (HKA) revolves around three characters – Siddharth Tyabji (Kay Kay Menon), Geeta Rao (Chitrangada Singh) and Vikram Malhotra (Shiny Ahuja) – whose lives intertwine across a decade. It is a love story against a backdrop of a politically decaying India from the late sixties to the late seventies often described as Indira Gandhi years.


Geeta is in love with Siddharth but politics is Siddharth’s first love. Meanwhile Vikram falls madly in love with Geeta, but she treats him as a good friend only. These three are caught in a vicious cycle of sorts, and eventually go their different ways.


Geeta gets married to a bureaucrat after her higher studies in Britain. Vikram becomes a highflying fixer in the corridors of power in Delhi whilst Siddharth decides to join the Naxal movement in the villages of Bihar.


Chitrangada, who plays the female lead in the film, says, “My character is called Geeta, she has a South Indian father and is in love with Siddharth who is more interested in politics, Marxism and all such things. He gets involved in the Naxalite movement. Our relationship goes through its ups and downs as it grows into maturity amidst the turbulent political times.”


Set against a backdrop of immense political turmoil in the country, HKA unfolds at a prestigious Delhi college where the three protagonists complete their graduation and are in the process of charting out a career for themselves. “I play the role of Vikram who hails from a small town Meerut and goes to a swanky Delhi College, St Stephens, for higher studies.


There he falls in love with a girl who treats him only as a friend. This other guy Siddharth, however, has no time for love as he is into politics and social awakening. So the whole film is about the trials and tribulations of love and growth as an individual seen through the eyes of these three protagonists. I am the fixer who has seen his father suffer despite being a staunch Gandhian and therefore have no time or patience to go through the same grist. I want to make it big in life through the easy available short cut” says Delhi boy Shiny Ahuja of Sins and Karam fame.


In 1975 the state of emergency is declared in the country. Vikram is on the right side of the power equation but for Geeta and Siddharth its testing time. This period of high drama changes things forever for the trio.


Widely regarded as one of the finest specimen of Indian cinema in recent times the narrative. The personal destinies of the characters are in active interplay with the political predicament of the country. Hazaaron Khwaishein Aisi examines a very significant period of post independent India and also a very special generation of people that went through something unique.


“It is a film about true meaning of youth, about taking risk, about people who inherited a country with conflicting views, about love – love for the person and for the country. On one hand you have friendship, love and growth of the three protagonists; on the other you have the backdrop of turbulent and politically volatile India. It’s a retort on another kind of love – love enough to criticise your country. The film is an interesting comment where children get to know and learn what their parents were all about” says Mishra.


Making her debut with an off beat film as HKA Chitra (as she is called) cherishes the experiences and insists on having evolved as a more wholesome human being due to the film’s impact. “Geeta discovers herself in the ten years – she sees her growth from a naïve, innocent college girl slowly finding answers in life to become her own person. She later matures into an individual in her own right who goes on to fulfil Siddharth’s dreams after he is gone. It is the most challenging and fulfilling role I could have asked for.”


Going further Chitra claims, “When I got this offer, it did not matter what the subject or cast would be, as long as it was clear to me that it is going to be Sudhir’s film as I knew him and had heard a lot about his work. I’m very fortunate to start my career in such a great manner. I can prove myself to an extent given the subject of the film. Besides Sudhir has a way of extracting the right performance from you.”


A poignant telling tale of the quintessential search for the ‘self’ Hazaaron Khwaishein Aisi (HKA) taps the youth and its search for answers hitherto left wanting for more if not enough. The emergency plays a crucial role in deciding the fate of its lead characters take.


“I think Geeta turns out to be the tallest character which stands out at the end of the film. At one level, Hazaaron… is a love story between Vikram and Geeta – an aching unrequited romance. But most importantly, the film tries to articulate a total idea of India, as opposed to a crude western notion of India being a hell hole, or a land of exotic mystical kitsch.


Sometimes, even I find it puzzling to fathom the labyrinths of this film… but it’s a film which I love to see over and over again, because it’s outside me and about characters I love, even in their failures” says Sudhir


HKA was applauded in festivals across the globe including the prestigious Berlin film festival. Produced by Pritish Nandy Communications and directed by noted filmmaker Sudhir Mishra’s HKA overcame many hurdles and is finally releasing on Friday.


Hindustan Times

Posted in Filim Review | Leave a Comment »

Beheaded for late arrival

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 28, 2007


SHASHANK SHEKHAR

Bokaro, April 27: In a throw-back to medieval times, a security officer employed by Bokaro Steel Plant chopped off the head of a milkman last night, merely because he had been an hour late in milking the officer’s cows.


Petrified neighbours, warned not to interfere, watched as Jaiprakash Singh (55) held the milkman Upendra Yadav (32) and ordered his sons to chop off the head. The dutiful sons obliged.


The sensational crime caused a commotion and hundreds of agitated people stormed the officer’s residential quarter. But by then the officer and his sons had fled, leaving behind the officer’s wife.


When the older son, Kaushal (26), who had actually used the sword, was found hiding in a neighbour’s house this morning and arrested, the mob surrounded the sector IX police station, demanding an eye for an eye.


Tension simmered as civil and police officers tried to control the situation. The commotion continued till late in the afternoon with the mob finally demanding adequate compensation and a job for the widow. The security officer and his younger son, Chhotu Singh (22) are absconding.


Upendra Yadav’s wailing widow recalled that the officer reached the hutment, located barely 50 yards from the officer’s quarter, late in the night in an inebriated condition. Her husband, who was ailing, was asleep on a cot when the officer woke him up, tied a towel round his neck and dragged him out. The widow and neighbours kept pleading with him but the officers warned onlookers not to interfere. Horrified neighbours watched as the officer and his younger son held the poor victim down while the elder son brought down the sword on his neck.


The widow, left with three children below the age of 12, said her husband had been reaching the officer’s house late because of his own illness and also because their eldest son was not keeping well.


The security officer, said neighbours, is short-tempered, foul-mouthed and arrogant. “He always boasted of being a Rajput and a landlord and claimed it his right to keep swords at home,” recalled one.


Even the officer’s eldest son, Kaushal, has a criminal past and had shot a man dead a few years ago. He was released on bail late last year.


The Telegraph

Posted in Jharkhand, NEWS | Leave a Comment »

Callous about Maoist terror

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 28, 2007

KPS Gill

There is much focus now on the Maoist threat in India and, despite entirely inconsistent assessments by various Government agencies, an increasing consensus around the view that this is the greatest internal security challenge confronting the country. At the same time – and particularly in the aftermath of the major incidents that are all-too-frequently engineered by the Maoists – there is rising concern at the ‘police failure’ or ‘security forces failure’ to contain this rising menace.

It needs to be recognised at the outset that a professional and motivated police force, with a sufficient numerical strength and adequate material and technological resources, and with a clear political mandate, can defeat any insurgency in India, including this latest bogey – the Maoist ‘protracted war’. If there is a failure to contain and defeat the Maoists, it is because the necessary capacities and mandate are deliberately kept in abeyance; indeed, the limited and entirely deficient capacities that do currently exist are systematically undermined by a cabal of corrupt political, administrative and police leaderships that have developed a deep vested interest in the persistence of the Maoist insurgency. Unless the dynamics of the implicit or explicit nexus between this leadership group and Maoist violence is understood and neutralised, an effective strategy to defeat the Naxalites can neither be framed, nor implemented.

The reality of the situation on the ground – irrespective of the theoretical and supposedly ideological constructs that are given currency in the mock discourse among the ‘intelligentsia’ – is that this is a fight between two corrupt entities that find mutual benefit and enrichment in fake engagements which can be sustained in perpetuity. A few hapless members of the constabulary and subordinate ranks in the security forces, and equally luckless cadres of the so-called revolutionaries are, of course, killed off from time to time. But no one is really concerned about the occasional massacre – despite the brouhaha that is raised in the media after each major incident.

Fatality figures, in fact, can be used to support whatever thesis is calculated to augment the flow of funds to personal or party coffers. A close scrutiny of the operational situation and the conditions under which the forces are working will demonstrate unambiguously that, in most States and areas, nothing really changes on the ground in the wake of major incidents.

This is the reason why almost no State – and some have been at it for 40 years and more – has been able to entirely and permanently eradicate Left-wing extremism. The Maoist movement, over the past decades, has steadily augmented to attain the status of a massive trans-State exercise in organised extortion and protection racketeering. And everywhere, opportunistic alliances between the Maoists and ‘overground’ political parties and entities are in place, most visibly around each electoral exercise, but in a constant intercourse at all times.

Almost all political parties have become mirror images of each other in India today, but in this regard they are even more so, with a multiplicity of corrupt parties and organisations woven together in a complex tapestry of duplicity and fraud that entrenches the ruling elite – an elite that grows increasingly more dynastic in all parties over time. Small cabals of violently criminal adventurers manage to break into the charmed circle of political privilege, from time to time, by their sheer ferocity and lack of restraint. The Maoist leadership and the many criminals in the State and national legislatures fall, naturally, into the latter category.

Drumming up a sense of crisis has become an integral part of the efforts at ‘resource mobilisation’ in this broad enterprise, and that is why the ‘developmental solution’ to Naxalism finds such strong advocacy among political leaders and state bureaucracies everywhere. Long years ago, Rajiv Gandhi noted that barely 15 paisa in each rupee of developmental funding actually reached its intended beneficiaries; the rest was swallowed up by the black hole of ‘power brokers’. In insurgency affected areas, the proportion of developmental funds that is actually utilised for intended purposes would be even smaller – virtually the entire sums, totalling thousands of crores, find their way into the pockets of corrupt politicians, bureaucrats and their hangers on, and through their symbiotic relationship with the ‘insurgents’ into the pockets of the Maoists as well.

Among the multiplicity of reasons for the military debacle in the Indo-China war of 1962, it was found that the Border Roads Organisation had ‘constructed’ many roads that existed only on maps, but of which there was no evidence on the ground. Forty-five years later, the same formula is now being applied in Naxalite areas, and it is difficult even to imagine how much of the exchequer’s money has been spent on roads that were never constructed, but for which payments have been made and distributed among the local ‘stakeholders’, with the Naxalites cornering a considerable share to bolster up their ‘revolution’.

The Centre now underwrites virtually all security related expenditure in Maoist afflicted States, providing support for police modernisation and force augmentation. Yet, States fail to create the necessary capacities to counter the Maoist threat. Even where significant disbursal of such funds occurs, their utilisation remains inefficient, and diversion to other, often unauthorised uses, is endemic.

The tragedy of existing or newly created capacities is as great. The State police leaderships are raising new battalions of armed forces, but recruitment is marred by widespread bribery. You cannot expect a man who secures his position in a police force through bribery to actually risk his life fighting the Naxalites. So the next stage is inevitable: Policemen pay bribes to the police leadership to secure postings outside the Naxalite affected ‘conflict’ areas, and in ‘soft’ areas and duties. The amounts collected through these and other ‘administrative’ channels – including the continuous business of transfers and postings – total in the hundreds of crores, and are naturally shared with the political leadership that enables corrupt officers to retain ‘lucrative’ positions, where they can continue with this despicable commerce. That is why, even in State’s where there has been a visible augmentation of forces over the past years, deployment in the ‘conflict’ areas remains disproportionately deficient.

These are ‘snapshots’ of the objective situation on the ground. How are we to extricate the nation from this predicament? The cabals that are currently exploiting the situation to the hilt will have to be broken. The right individuals – from constables to the highest force commanders – will have to be identified and correctly located. Political leaders will have to look beyond party coffers and the next election, to a future in which people can live without fear. If this does not happen, the corrupt state will continue to fight the corrupt ‘revolutionary’, with mounting casualties in widening theatres, till the collapse of governance reaches a point where the venality of the national elite threatens its own existence.

The Pioneer

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