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Archive for April 3rd, 2007

All India Fact-finding Report on Polavaram Dam Project

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 3, 2007

Preliminary Report

An all India Fact-finding team comprising Dr. BD Sharma, Former National Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Tribes, Dr. Jayashankar, former Vice-chancellor, Kakatiya University, Dr. I. Thirumali, Reader in History, Sri Venkateswara College, University of Delhi, G N Saibaba, Lecturer in English, University of Delhi, Shirish Medhi, Social Activist from Mumbai, Dr. Gopinath, Eminent Cardiologist, Andhra Pradesh, Rona Wilson, Research Scholar, Jawahar Lal Nehru University, Ajay Mishra, Reporter, Sunday Post (Hindi), Suresh Kumar, Advocate, Hyderabad, Ch. Prabhakar, Advocate, Hyderabad and Ravichandra, Teacher, AP Government Residential Schools. The team toured across 9 mandals in the districts of Khammam, East and West Godavari districts that are to be affected by the Polavaram Dam Project between 3nd March and 6th March, 2007.

The team spent 4 days in and around the site of the proposed Polavaram Dam touring extensively in all nine Dam-affected mandals. First the members arrived at Hyderabad on the 2 March, 2007. The team proceeded to Bhadrachalam on the following day and from there it divided into batches to conduct surveys on all the mandals. It had extensive discussions with the people of various villages and sarpanches. It also met the various organizations formed to fight against the question of displacement of lives and livelihoods. The team felt the need for further extensive studies in the affected areas at regular intervals taking into consideration the enormity of the situation with the threat of displacement of vast sections of the people.

Our findings:

1. Damning the people; damning the procedures; damning the law

The work of digging of canals by the government of Andhra Pradesh started even before permission is accorded to construction of the Dam. The modus operandi of the government so far without any procedures and norms spending crores for digging the canals have forced one to believe that ultimately it is going to serve the interests of the contractor lobby.

2. No Permission accorded so far from any government agency

The land acquisition has begun even before it could be known whether the projects would get permission or not from the Central Water Commission, the Forest Department, the Environment Department, the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes and other relevant departments and agencies. No permission has been so far given by the Central Water Commission. In fact the Supreme Court had asked the state of Andhra Pradesh to comply with the directives of the Central Water Commission. Contrary to this the AP government has been filing contradictory statements with different government institutions from which it has to get the necessary and mandatory clearance.

3. Gram Sabhas bypassed: Politics of manipulation and coercion

The Government has not gone to the people in the Scheduled areas which are mostly the project affected area. They have not been consulted nor their due consent been taken before proceeding with the acquisition of land for the construction of the dam. The entire area that will submerge when the dam gets finally constructed comes under provision of the 5th schedule of the constitution. In most of the villages the mandatory Gram Sabha meetings did not take place to discuss and deliberate on the issue of Polavaram. Wherever it has happened it was facilitated under the shadow of heavy police deployment with a battery of government officials threatening the villagers with dire consequences. The Gram Sabhas of these areas are the supreme decision making bodies. Without the consent of these bodies any other notification of any government institution—including the aforementioned bodies—stands null and void.

When in Maredubaka village in Kukunoor Mandal, people passed resolutions against Polavaram dam and the R & R package offered by the government those resolutions were ignored, suppressed and manipulated. Some Mandal Praja Parishads (MPP) also have passed resolutions against the construction of the dam but time and again over the last one year the officials have not accepted or recorded the written resolutions sent by the MPPs as told by Kantepale Raju, Sarpanch of Maredubaka and also by the sarpanch of Amaravaram of Kukkunoor mandal.

The District Collector is not supposed to sit in the Gram Sabha. But in Paidipakka village in Polavaram mandal the district collector Mr. Luv Aggarwal sat in the Gram Sabha along with the RDO, BDO, MRO, PO and others and a huge posse of armed police force at the background. There he told the people that the government can’t pay more than 1.3 lakhs and the villagers had no other option but to leave. This village has a sizeable section of the non-tribals and since they don’t have any legal entitlement they are the main targets of coercion. Once they budge the tribals can follow.

Secretly tribals are called individually to the RDO offices and are threatened to sign the papers. They are told that they have to inevitably move out and that is no way out for them. Those villagers who are refusing to budge have been targeted by striking off their ration cards, cutting of the power supply to the villages and also demolishing their roads.

It is evident that the government of Andhra Pradesh has been keen to hide facts—from the people of the affected areas in particular and the society at large—than the things that they have so far revealed about the various facets of the project. It is intriguing that why the government is operating under complete secrecy when it claims that the project is the answer to all the water and power problems faced by the state.

4. R & R Package: Old tales of Divide and Rule, Secrecy and Mystery

The compensation package offered by the government varied from village to village, tribal to non-tribal and last but not the least, the nature of the land holdings. It has more loopholes than concrete proposals on paper. In many cases it operates by word of mouth than through any documented intervention. It is the good old strategy of divide and rule by manipulating on the vulnerability of the targeted population.

The people of the project affected area, whether tribal or non-tribal are unaware of the rehabilitation package which is touted by the AP government as one of the best packages ever made in the world! Yet no sarpanch of the affected villages could give us a copy of the R&R package spoke volumes of the secrecy and mystery behind the politics of R & R. It should be noted that since 1947 not a single R & R package of any major displacement has been fulfilled by the government.

Some of the absentee landlords in the area who are non-tribals will definitely get a good compensation many times higher than what the government has so far offered to the common tribal masses. One glaring example is that of Mr. Totakura Venkattappaiah who owns 500 acres of fertile land at Amaravaram village in Kukkunoor mandal. He and his family lives in Hyderabad. Most of this land from the 500 acres belongs to the Koya tribals. The so-called compensation will come in the name of the tribals who have been living as agricultural labourers but the money will go to the coffers of the absentee landlord!

The government also has used different tactics to lure the people in favour of rehabilitation by giving them packages which are at best illusory. For instance, in Kondukota village which comprises of 50 percent Koyas and 50 percent Malas (SC) there has been neither official notification nor survey. Yet the officials have approached the people with various packages. They have offered them to hold land at the project affected area ( i.e. their present place of stay) as well as the newly promised location of rehabilitation! The local MLA took the Empowering Committee appointed by the Supreme Court to only those places where the people have ostensibly supported the projects.

5. Compensation amounts released in two villages: Administration’s fraud and People’s anguish

In two villages Vinjaram (Kukkunoor mandal) and Rudramakota (Boorgampadu mandal) the first acts of acquisition of land for project took place. The compensation was released to the acquired cultivated and fertile lands. The team came across a big group of people at Rudramakota, Velerupadu mandal, sitting in the local temple and settling the dispute that has surfaced after the cheques were encashed and the actual money was being distributed. The size of the amount was decided by the village elders. Thus Kanthi Reddi Punnamma, a 65 year old woman got 58000 rupees. This was in return of the 2 acres of fertile land that was relinquished permanently for the dam. She and her family lived off this fertile land for many generations. For her 2 acres Punnamma was given 230000 rupees. At the end of the day Punnamma was left with a meager 58000 after dividing the amount with her sons and another major stake holder the local Cooperative Bank which had the lion’s share: a good 50 percent of the total amount! This 50 percent covers the agricultural loans which were actually struck off by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh last year! The officials (MRO, MDO, Collector) promised the villagers that the amount of the loans would not be deducted from the compensation amount. This was one of the main agreements between the villagers and the government before they agreed for the compensation to part with their land. But once the compensation was awarded, all the banks queued up with their knives to demand their pound of flesh. Only the landlords who had the land under false names had the last laugh. The villagers reported with anguish how the land records were manipulated and outsiders got the benefits.

6. Deceit and domination of the people of Telengana

Yet another act of deceit and domination over the people of Telengana. More than 80 percent of the water of Godavari flows through Telengana. Significantly, the mammoth project has little to offer when it comes to water/power sharing to the already drought prone region that Telengana is. It is natural for the people of Telengana to suspect the unwarranted haste shown by the Andhra Pradesh government to push through the project flouting all norms and procedures before the formation of the Telengana State. They strongly believe that the formation of the Telengana state would be an impediment to the Polavaram project and hence against the interest of the Andhra Pradesh government.

7. Protests prevented through repression and coercion

The people who have protested against the construction have been threatened by the officials belonging to the office of the collector, the RDO, BDO, MRO, PO etc. The people who sat on Dharna from the Chegondipally village in Polavaram mandal have been charged of treason. Mr. Sonam Raju of the same village had to spend three months in the Rajamundry prison and warrant has been issued against five of his fellow villagers for allegedly burning the huts at the construction site of the spill way. Another Mr. Bangu Anil Kumar of Kondu Kota village was also arrested and released after 17 days for opposing the project.

8. Polavaram: Another ‘Modern Temple’ of Colossal Waste

The Polavaram project with its projected costs and benefits is a colossal waste of public money. It would destroy the rich flora and fauna of the forests of the Eastern Ghats on either side of the river Godavari in the catchment areas of the dam. It will uproot the lives and livelihoods of some of the oldest tribal communities—the Koyas and Konda Reddys—who are the inhabitants of these regions. Even according to the official estimates 236000 people living in 276 villages would be displaced by the dam in Andhra Pradesh (including a few of them in Chhattisgarh and Orissa). About 50 percent as per government statistics belong to the scheduled tribes and 15 percent to the scheduled castes.

All the 9 mandals that will submerge come under the scheduled areas. In fact the Polavaram project displaces the largest number of people—more than 2 lakh tribals among them—as well as some of richest of biodiversity in the world. Tribals cannot live in non-forest areas. They will lose their constitutionally guaranteed rights under the scheduled area, if they are rehabilitated. They will lose their traditional strength and culture outside their natural habitat. They are aware of this and they steadfastly refuse to move away from their villages and forests.

The ownership of land and forest produce is not fixed in these areas. Traditional sharing methods are more persistent. No R & R package will do justice to the tribal communities here.

It is amazing and at the same time unfortunate and disappointing to note that the media and the civil society have written very little about this! It is unequivocally the largest displacement and destruction of natural flora and fauna in Post-47 India.

As recommendations what flow out evidently from the initial findings are that:

1. The government of Andhra Pradesh should immediately come out with a White Paper on all issues related to the Polavaram Dam Project. All construction work including that of canals should be stopped forthwith till a proper review is made after a discussion on the White Paper by the people of the affected areas, civil society and experts of peoples’ organizations.

2. The President of India through the Governor of Andhra Pradesh should seek a report on the impact of the project on the tribals in the area as per the 5th Schedule of the Constitution of India. Such a report should be made by experts who have worked on the issues of the tribals including various laws related with the 5th Schedule. Till the Presidential review is done all construction work related to the dam should be suspended.

3. The Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy package announced by the Andhra Pradesh government and the ground realities of the use of force and coercion by the local administration on the people in all the 9 mandals should be enquired into by an independent committee comprising of experts who have knowledge on the various aspects of tribal life and livelihood.

4. The central government should initiate immediately a process to study the alternative plans for utilizing the waters in Godavari as well as other rivers and tributaries in Andhra Pradhesh made by expert committees and peoples’ organizations.

5. A judicious and acceptable plan to redistribute the waters in the river Godavari among the Andhra, Telengana and Rayalaseema regions.

An all India Fact-finding team:
1. Dr. BD Sharma, Former National Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Tribes
2. Dr. Jayashankar, former Vice-chancellor, Kakatiya University, Warangal, Andhra Pradesh
3. Dr. I. Thirumali, Reader in History, University of Delhi
4. G N Saibaba, Lecturer in English, University of Delhi
5. Shirish Medhi, Social Activist from Mumbai
6. Dr. Gopinath, Eminent Cardiologist, Khammam, Andhra Pradesh
7. Rona Wilson, Research Scholar, Jawahar Lal Nehru University, New Delhi
8. Ajay Mishra, Reporter, Sunday Post (Hindi), New Delhi
9. Suresh Kumar, Advocate, Hyderabad
10. Ch. Prabhakar, Advocate, Hyderabad
11. Ravichandra, Teacher, AP Government Residential School, Hyderabad

Posted in Andra Pradesh, Fact finding Report | Leave a Comment »

One step forward, two steps massacre

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 3, 2007

Even Left-leaning intellectuals join the chorus of protests over Nandigram

Rajat Roy Kolkata

Three days after the Nandigram massacre, a few thousand students, intellectuals, poets and artists assembled in front of Metro Cinema in the heart of Kolkata and condemned the Left Front government in no uncertain terms. It was a scene the city has not witnessed for a long time. Prominent among the protesters were some Left intellectuals who have never been seen taking an anti-Left position.

Theatre personalities Bibhash Chakravorty and Kaushik Sen made public their decision to resign from the state-sponsored Bangla Natya Akademy. Poet Shrijato read out the resignation letter of eminent poet Sankho Ghosh from the post of vice chairman of Bangla Akademy, another state-run body. Ashru Kumar Sikdar also resigned from Bangla Akademy and Shashi Anand resigned from the advisory body of Nandan (a cultural complex of the state cultural department). One after another, poets like Joy Goswami and others expressed their anguish at the brutal treatment meted out to the villagers of Nandigram.

Later, a similar meeting was held at Sujata Sadan, a theatre hall in south Kolkata, where playwright and actor Manoj Mitra and many others from the world of theatre condemned the Nandigram massacre. Students have already started demonstrations and more organised agitations are being planned once the exam season is over.

The significance of this development cannot be ignored, as for the first time in the last 30 years of the Left rule in West Bengal, artists and intellectuals with Left leanings have come out openly to oppose the ruling Left party. People like Mahasweta Devi and Saoli Mitra never aligned themselves with official Left and didn’t hesitate to criticise the ruling Left Front whenever the occasion demanded. As expected, they also joined the anti-government movement in Singur and Nandigram. But generally Left intellectuals did not take any clear position before the Nandigram massacre. They were seen as active supporters of the Left. Many enjoyed a good rapport with Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, and seemed to be happy with the state patronage.

They happily obliged the left whenever there was some need to mobilise public opinion in favour of the regime and remained silent when the state resorted to repressive measures against its own people, be it the Kamtapuris or Naxalites or the mainstream opposition parties. The people in Bengal got used to this band of Left intellectuals who were forthcoming in their protest against the demolition of Babri Masjid, Gujarat riots or even America’s war on Iraq but were found wanting when it came to protesting the undemocratic acts of the Left Front government. The Nandigram episode has finally forced them to sever their relations with the Left Front government.

The Bengali intelligentsia has a long tradition of acting as the conscience-keeper of the people. During the freedom struggle, the leadership came from Rabindranath Tagore himself. He famously returned his knighthood to protest against the Jalianwallabagh massacre. That tradition was carried forward after independence by a new generation of intellectuals, whose sympathy lied mostly with the communist movement. The peasant movement of the late 1940s and early 1950s, known as the Tebhagha movement, was supported by a whole lot of artists, musicians, writers.

But the passion for causes gradually dried up. During the Naxalite movement, when a section of Naxals started vandalising and beheading the statues of the leaders of 19th century and meaningless killings became rule between the Naxals and the police, Bangla intelligentsia by and large remained silent. During the emergency, only a handful of courageous intellectuals like Amlan Dutta and Gourkishore Ghosh, known for their liberal bourgeois leanings, and radical Left playwright and actor Utpal Dutta and Leftist intellectuals like Samar Sen and Ashok Mitra showed courage in protesting the curbing of citizen’s rights.

When the Left Front came to power in 1977, the Left intellectuals became active. Their partisan position was evident from the beginning. The CPI(M), true to its ideological moorings in Stalinism, tried to monitor the intelligentsia closely, sometimes with hilarious consequences. For instance, in the early 1980s, a left leader labelled pop singer Usha Utthup’s stage performances as apasanskriti (decadent culture). The then state secretary of the CPI(M) entrusted one of the younger leaders with the task of defining the distinction between “progressive” and “decadent” culture. They then realised their folly and dropped the idea without further ado. Interestingly, that young CPI(M) leader is today’s chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, who continued to cultivate good relations with the intelligentsia.

Buddhadeb’s pet project Nandan became the centre of state sponsored cultural activities in Kolkata. Natya Akademy, Bangla Akademy and other government cultural agencies were formed, which accommodated senior artists, poets and writers, playwright and stage personalities. A series of government awards were instituted to reward the “right” kind of people.

It paid rich dividends to the party. The massacre of settlers who came from Dandakaranya to resettle themselves at Marichjhanpi in the Sundarban, the murder of Anandamargis in broad daylight in south Kolkata, both in the early 1980s, or even a violent attack on Mamata Banerjee by a known CPI(M) cadre in Calcutta in the 1990s could not break the silence of these intellectuals. The Orwellian world the Left tried to create in Bengal made them selective while taking a moral stand. Although there was growing disillusionment among Left intellectuals about the regime, nobody dared to speak out.

In the early 1990s, Subhas Mukhopadhyay, a noted poet and onetime darling of the communist parties (famous for his revolutionary poems) openly criticised the Left for its sectarian and corrupt practices. Although he made some valid criticism of the Left, he was vilified as senile. Also, his joining hands with arch anti-communist political forces were not appreciated by most, which successfully blunted the edge of his criticism.

Now, after living under the Left rule for 30 years in Bengal, it seems the disillusionment of the people has grown to such an extent that, not withstanding the absence of a viable political opposition, the civil society has started taking more active role. The vocal protest of Left intellectuals is indicative of that. The Bangla intelligentsia has started speaking out its mind.

Eminent theatre personality Bibhash Chakraborty is known among theatre lovers of Bengal for his successful productions like Chak Bhanga Madhu, Madhab Malanchi Kanya and many others plays. On March 14, when the police crackdown on villagers of Nandigram was flashed on television, Bibhash Chakraborty recorded his protest by resigning from the state-run Bangla Natya Akademy. In a candid interview with Hardnews, Bibhash Chakraborty explained his reasons for resignation and the cultural atmosphere in Bengal under the Left Front regime. Excerpts:

Why did you resign from the Bangla Natya Akademy?

The issue of the land acquisition has been agitating me for quite some time. I have been writing about it in newspapers, voicing my discontent about the forcible land acquisition process initiated by the state. I call it land grabbing by proxy on behalf of big industry. So, when I saw the barbaric attack on the villagers, children and women on TV, I was extremely disturbed. I realised that the least that I could do was to resign from the Natya Akademy, which is directly under the state government’s department of cultural affairs.

In the last 30 years of Left rule we have never seen artists and intellectuals of left inclination speaking out against the Left Front. Do you think this incident was first of its kind that called for such protests?

In retrospect, I think there were a few occasions that deserved protests, such as the Marichjhanpi incident. But we remained silent. I repent that now. However, through my plays I tried to criticise the deviation and corrupt practices of the Left.

Do you think the left has become more intolerant to dissent over the years?

Yes. Earlier, we could talk to them and discuss various issues. Nowadays, there is a perceptive change. They have somehow started articulating the words of Bush (Those who are not with us are against us).

What is your next course of action?

I don’t know. We are individuals united for a cause and not a political party. It is very difficult to fight against the well organised and heavily oiled party machinery. But one thing is clear: the way the villagers have resisted the government’s move, it won’t be easy for the state to snatch agricultural land forcibly anymore. Perhaps the government would come to realise that without initiating proper dialogue with the people, they cannot move forward. The people have lost faith in the administration, legislature and media of our state. The only hope we have is with the judiciary. Let’s see. Hard News

Posted in Bengal, NEWS | Leave a Comment »

Inquilab Rally in New Delhi

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 3, 2007

Inquilab Rally in New Delhi

On March 23, hundreds of thousands of people from all over India converged in Delhi to express their anger at the killing of peasant protesters on March 14 by police and thugs aligned with the West Bengal Left Front (LF) government. Those killed were resisting eviction from their land in Nandigram. Similar killings also happened on January 7. The mass rally was preceded by two days of cultural protests.

dipanker bhattacharya rally cpi(m-l)

Dipankar Bhattacharya addresses the ‘Inquilab rally’.

Organised by the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation, the rally fell on the 76th anniversary of the martyring of independence heroes Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev Thapar and Shivaram Rajguru. With the executioner’s rope over his neck, Singh shouted “Inquilab Zindabad” (“Long live the revolution”). The CPI(ML) rally was called “Inquilab rally” in memory of these heroes. Bhagat Singh’s nephew Jagmohan was a speaker at the rally.

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) dominates the LF government, which has held power for 30 years in West Bengal. The CPI(ML) was the result of a 1968 split from the CPI(M), after the newly elected LF government crushed a 1967 uprising of the rural poor in Naxalbari, in the state’s north.

More details of the March 14 massacre have come to light. According to a fact-finding report conducted by the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights and Paschim Banga Khet Majdoor Samity (an agricultural labourer organisation), authorised by the Kolkata High Court, at Bhangabera on the outskirt of Nandigram a group of mostly women and children were praying on March 14 when, without warning, police started indiscriminately firing on them. Those who tried to escape were hunted down by CPI(M) thugs disguised as police.

According to the report, “Children were murdered indiscriminately; bodies have been thrown to nearby Chuniburi river. The children of primary schools at least eight in numbers have been killed by the murderers and then all those children were buried in a particular place near Bhangabera area.”

The report revealed that the cops and hooligans then went on to ransack and indiscriminately fire upon the villagers’ huts, killing and injuring more. No less than 100 people were injured. Some victims were too scared to go to the hospital.

“A good number of women have complained that they have been raped, sexually abused and molested by police personnel and the murderers of the political party [the CPI(M)]”, says the report.

The report accused local CPI(M) MP Lakhman Seth of having engaged “professional murderers” to finish up the atrocities initiated by the police.

In an interview published by the Hindustan Times on March 20, CPI(ML) general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya, who has led a fact-finding team to Nandigram, claimed while a precise death toll isn’t yet established, bodies are being discovered every day. He added: “Many bodies were dumped, many were buried overnight and roads built on them. Our team has come back with horrifying tales and reports.”

Bhattacharya said that many victims had “chopper” wounds. “From when did policemen started carrying choppers? It means that CPI (M) goons must have accompanied the police. They were wearing police uniforms but their slippers gave them away. There were cases of women being gang raped as well. There were many cases where the women were mutilated. It was a cold-blooded, pre-planned carnage.”


Posted in CPI(ML) Liberation, Delhi, NEWS | Leave a Comment »

Centre diverted troops for UP polls from Maoists-prone Sitamarhi

Posted by Indian Vanguard on April 3, 2007

NEW DELHI: The centre may have to take upon itself the onus for Saturday’s Maoist attack in Riga village of Sitamarhi, Bihar. For, it was possibly the short-sightedness shown by the union home ministry in diverting CRPF companies from Naxalite-infested pockets of north Bihar to Uttar Pradesh for poll duty that created security gaps and led the extremists to attack a police station and loot a public-sector bank.

For almost a year now, Bihar has had at its disposal 23 companies of the CRPF for dedicated counter-Naxal operations. The positive results were showing — incidents dipped from 183 in 2005 to 107 in 2006 and deaths (both police and civilian) were down to 45 in 2006 from 94 in 2005. A total 257 Naxalites, including the Jehanabad jailbreak prime accused, were arrested and 6 killed in 2006.

But the Centre, in its eagerness to provide the 700 companies of forces for the poll in UP, withdrew 10 companies of CRPF from north Bihar last month. The suo motu decision of the MHA to deplete the security cover in Naxalite strongholds like Sitamarhi was strongly protested by the Bihar chief secretary and home secretary, who warned that the Maoists would exploit the resultant security gaps to strike afresh.

According to a report on Riga attack submitted by the Bihar administration to the centre, the suo motu pullout of CRPF companies, one of which was deployed in Sitamarhi and was protecting the Riga police station, only facilitated the Maoists in converging in large numbers on Riga police station and looting the bank there. The extremists not only killed a special auxiliary police personnel but also injured the bank manager, who continues to be in hospital.

A senior Bihar government official told ET that the state government had protested the centre’s decision to thin out deployment levels in Naxal districts citing the gains made by the counter-Naxal forces in the recent months as well as the fact that the threat level continued to be high as Maoists were trying to avenge the recent death of their leader, Nathun, in police custody at a Gaya jail.

However, the protests were not appreciated by the centre, which unilaterally decided to take away the 10 companies from Bihar and deploy them for the assembly polls in neighbouring Uttar Pradesh. “The resulting security gaps were exploited by the Maoists, who all this while had been lying low in view of the successful counter-operations, to strike afresh,” complained the state government official.

According to the official, the Maoists are desperate and were increasingly attacking police stations, mainly to loot police weapons. The purpose is also to keep the police engaged while the extremists carry out a simultaneous attack not far away. Economic Times

Posted in Bihar, NEWS | Leave a Comment »