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Archive for the ‘CPI (Maoist)’ Category

CPI MAOIST PRESS RELEASE AND SELF CRICICAL DOCUMENT (Kannada)

Posted by Indian Vanguard on January 6, 2008


DOWNLAOD CPI MAOIST PRESS RELEASE AND SELF CRICICAL DOCUMENT.

1-Download First Document

2-Second document

Posted in CPI (Maoist), Karnataka | Leave a Comment »

CPI(Maoist) Karnataka press release on political situation

Posted by Indian Vanguard on December 28, 2007

Posted in CPI (Maoist), Karnataka | Leave a Comment »

CPI (Maoist) Press Statement on State-sponsored Barbarities on Adivasis in Asom

Posted by Indian Vanguard on December 12, 2007

Communist Party of India (Maoist)

Central Committee

—————————————

Press Statement 12-12-07

Condemn State-sponsored Barbarities on Adivasis in Asom!

Support the Democratic Demands of Adivasis!

All sensible democratic people are terribly shocked and horrified by the chilling scenes of brutalities let loose on the peaceful rally on 24th November 2007 of many thousand Adivasis organized by All Adivasi Students’ Association of Assam (AASAA) to press their very just demand for the Scheduled Tribes Status in Guwahati. The gangster brigade supported by the Congress and its student wing, NUSI lynched more than 12 Adivasis quite openly. Hundreds were savagely tortured and left writhing in terrible pain on the roads in pools of blood. A number of Adivasis also went missing. The infernal scenario of Guwahati once again brings to the fore the perpetually brutalized existence of the Adivasis in India. The CPI (Maoist) expresses its all condemnation and hatred for the ghastly barbarities unleashed on the Adivasis and extends all support to their just demand. It is no secret that the so-called civilized and privileged sections are guilty of such heinous crimes particularly committed on women.

Oblivious are we not to the fact that Guwahati is one of the well-fortified cities India. And the open AASA rally was declared well in advance. It is also a cruel reality that on 24th November the state’s police forces made their presence in large numbers during the rally. Guwahati witnessed premeditated gangsterism with the open complicity of the police forces. TV footages and media reports made it crystal clear that the Tarun Gogoi government of the Congress Party had directly played the criminal role of unleashing all such acts of violence on the Adivasis. The positions of the governments at the Centre and Asom converge in regard to refusing scheduled tribe status to the vast numbers of Adivasi people of Asom.

In the aftermath of the First War of Independence in 1857 when repression by the colonial rulers reached its peak lakhs of Adivasis form Chhotonagpur plateau were transported left for the Dooars, Tripura and in hundreds of tea gardens of Asom. It was the beginning of criminal exploitation of the Adivasis basically in tea gardens. It was also the end of the freedom of those people nestled in the forested lands for generations before the British rule. Later in the so called 60 years independence lives of the tea garden workers have not changed, loot, plunder, starvation deaths and all types of oppression including the TU’s vandalism is rampant.

On 24th November the deprived Adivasis rallied under the AASAA with the legitimate demand of six backward communities of Asom namely the Adivasis, Koch-Rajbanshis, Tai-Ahoms, Morans, Mataks and Chutias to be included in the list of Scheduled Tribes. The irony is that the Adivasis including Santhals are recognized as Scheduled Tribes by the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950 as amended by Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes (Modification) Order 1950, the North-Eastern Areas (Re-organisation) Act, 1971 and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Order (Amendment) Act, 1976. It is the same old story that Mr. Tarun Gogoi as his party leader promised the ST status before electoral victory and conveniently retraced his step as did other people in power.

No condemnation is stinging enough for the animalistic actions of the pack of goons on that day, who had not only rained lathis, iron rods and all weapons with the clear protection and support of the police. They gang raped many women rallyists and stripped naked a young girl, a Madhyamik candidate. Humiliating women of the Dalits and Adivasis by parading them naked has long been the favoured “penalty” and signature of class and caste domination, particularly in rural India. Now this dominant section in the city of Guwahati tore apart the veneer of ‘civility’ by tearing of the last piece of cloth young girl, photographing her naked amidst wild halloo and devilish cheers, to the glare of prurient onlookers. Thus upper casteist ideology, the culture of the ruling classes, violence and targeting women in particular showed off the ugliest appearance in Asom.

The Chief Minister of Asom has shed crocodile’s tears over the incident and announced a CBI enquiry, a cruel eyewash. The CPM supported UPA government’s state home minister Mr. Shree Prakash Jaiswal has argued that as the Registrar General is not in agreement so those Adivasis will not be accorded tribal status. The supremo of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, a constituent of the UPA, a double dealer and killer, has gone further. He not only slurred over but also played down the barbarities on that day saying, “Nothing so serious has occurred in Assam. The media has exaggerated everything.”

The CPM MP Rupchand Murmu-led delegation to Guwahati on 27 November after the violent attack, gang-rape, etc. pointed in the fashion of anti-reservation forces the accusing finger to the “unruly youths” of the rallyists triggering violence. The so-called Left-delegation virtually justified the acts of gruesome attacks propping up such hideous arguments : “….the local residents, enraged by vandalism, retaliated and attacked the Adivasis.” Such well-kneed opportunists entrenched in the politics of preserving and expanding the vote bank also goes to their craftiest best to pass themselves as genuinely bereaved for the brutalized Adivasis. All they have betrayed the interests of the Adivasis and are definitely anti-reservationists, a proven fact of Indian political history.

Adivasis are perennially deprived and distressed in India. The fulfillment of demand of the struggling Adivasis in Asom for Adivasi status is not obviously a solution to their myriad problems of monumental dimension – economic, political, cultural, linguistic, etc. but the struggle for the acceptance of those Adivasis, as STs is a just demand to snatch, in a small way, a position, some facilities, etc.

The CPI (Maoist) stands by the struggling Adivasis of Asom, expresses deep anger against the goons who had perpetrated all violent attacks on the Adivasis on 24th November 2007 in Asom, sends its condolence to the families of the murdered and expresses deep sympathy for the grievously injured and the raped Adivasis.

Azad

12-12-07 Spokes Person

CPI (Maoist)

Central Committee

Posted in Assam, CPI (Maoist) | Leave a Comment »

CPI(Maoist) karnataka press release (Kannada) on udupi litrary meet

Posted by Indian Vanguard on December 4, 2007

Dear Friends,
We post CPI(Maoist) karnataka press release (Kannada) on udupi litrary meet.
Regrads,
Bimal

Posted in CPI (Maoist), Karnataka | Leave a Comment »

CPI(Maoist) Documents- Party Constitution

Posted by Indian Vanguard on November 19, 2007

Source: Maoist Revolution In India

Party Constitution

FOREWORD

CHAPTER-1: GENERAL PROGRAMME

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is the consolidated political vanguard of the Indian proletariat. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the ideological basis guiding its thinking in all the spheres of its activities. Immediate aim or programme of the Communist Party is to carry on and complete the new democratic revolution in India as a part of the world proletarian revolution by overthrowing the semi-colonial, semi-feudal system under neo- colonial form of indirect rule, exploitation and control and the three targets of our revolution—imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic big bourgeoisie. The ultimate aim or maximum programme of the party is the establishment of communist society. This New Democratic Revolution will be carried out and completed through armed agrarian revolutionary war i.e. the Protracted People’s War with area wise seizure of power remaining as its central task. The Protracted People’s War will be carried out by encircling the cities from the countryside and thereby finally capturing them. Hence the countryside as well as the Protracted People’s War will remain as the center of gravity of the party’s work from the very beginning. During the whole process of this revolution the party, army and the united front will play the role of three magic weapons. In their interrelationship the party will play the primary role, where as the army and the united front will be two important weapons in the hands of the party. Since the armed struggle will remain the main form of struggle and army as the main form of organization of this revolution, the armed struggle will play a decisive role, whereas the united front will be built in the course of advancing armed struggle and for armed struggle. Mass organizations and mass struggles are necessary and indispensable but their purpose is to serve the war. The immediate and most urgent task of the party is to establish full-fledged people’s liberation army (PLA) and base areas by developing and transforming the guerilla zones and guerrilla bases.

Just after completing the NDR the party will advance towards establishing socialism without any delay or interception. Because the NDR will already lay the basis for socialism and hence there will be no pause. Thereafter, the party will continue to advance towards realizing communism by continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Socialist society covers a considerable long historical period. Throughout this historical period, there will be classes, class contradictions and class struggle. The struggle between socialist road and capitalist road will also continue to exist. Only depending on and carrying forward the theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat can correctly resolve all these contradictions. In this context the GPCR initiated and led by Mao Tse-tung was a great political revolution carried out under the conditions of socialism by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and there by fighting against the danger of capitalist restoration.

Party will also continue to hold high the proletarian internationalism and will continue to firmly contribute more forcefully in uniting the genuine M-L-M forces at the international level. The party will also struggle against all forms of revisionism. While uniting the M-L-M forces, it will also establish unity with oppressed people and nations of the whole world and continue its fight together with them in advancing towards completing the world proletarian revolution against imperialism and all reaction, thereby paving the way towards realizing communism on a world scale.

During the whole course the comrades throughout the party must cherish the revolutionary spirit of daring to go against the tide, must adhere to the principles of practicing Marxism and not revisionism, working for unity and not for splits, and being open and aboveboard and not engaging in intrigue and conspiracy, must be good at correctly distinguishing contradictions among the people from those between ourselves and the enemy and thereby correctly handling those, fighting left and right opportunism and non proletariat trend must develop the style of integrating theory with practice, maintaining close ties with the masses and practicing criticism and self-criticism.

The future is certainly bright, though the road is tortuous. All the members of our party will wholeheartedly dedicate their lives in the lofty struggle for communism on a world scale, must be resolute, fear no sacrifice and surmount every difficulty to win victory!

CHAPTER-2: THE PARTY, FLAG, OBJECTIVES

Article – 1: Name of the Party: Communist Party of India (Maoist)

Article – 2: Flag: Party Flag is red in color with hammer and sickle printed in the middle in white colour. The hammer of the sickle will remain towards the side of the pole. The ratio of length and breadth of the flag is 3:2

Article – 3: (a) The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is the consolidated vanguard of the Indian proletariat. It takes Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding ideology.

(b) The party will remain underground throughout the period of New Democratic Revolution.

Article – 4: Aims and Objectives:

The immediate aim of the party is to accomplish the New Democratic Revolution in India by overthrowing imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism only through the Protracted People’s War and establishes the people’s democratic dictatorship under the leadership of the proletariat. It will further fight for the establishment of socialism. The ultimate aim of the party is to bring about communism by continuing the revolution under the leadership of the proletariat and, thus, abolishing the system of exploitation of man by man from the face of earth.

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) dedicates itself at the service of the people and revolution, cherishes high affection and respect for the people, relies upon the people and will be sincere in learning from them. The party stands vigilant against all reactionary conspiracies and revisionist maneuvers.

Article – 5: The party will continue to hold high the banner of proletarian internationalism and will put its due share in achieving the unity of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist forces at international level.

CHAPTER-3: MEMBERSHIP

Article – 6: Any resident of India, who has reached the age of 16 years, who belongs to worker, peasant, toiling masses petty-bourgeoisie classes or any other revolutionaries, accepts Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as his/her guiding ideology in day to day activities, accepts Party Programme and Constitutions, actively participates in party activities under any one of the party unit observing discipline, prepare to face the danger encountered in that course and agree to pay regularly membership fees and levies that are decided by the party unit may become a party member. Party membership will be renewed every year.

Article – 7: Generally party members are admitted as individuals, through a primary party unit. Every applicant for membership must be recommended by two party members; they must have thorough knowledge about him/her and provide all the necessary information to the party. And the applicant for party membership should do so formally.

Article – 8: Concerned primary unit will investigate the applicant and it will be done secretly with in party as well as among masses. Essentially the application must be recommended by concerned party cell/unit and letter on approved by next higher party committee. The applicant will be admitted into the party as a candidate member. After candidate membership is given, he/she should be observed for a minimum period of six months- for applicants from working class, landless-poor peasants and agricultural laborers; one year for middle peasants, petty-bourgeoisie and urban middle class; and two years for those coming from other classes. From AC to all other higher party committees will also have the right to give new membership, while following the same method.

Article – 9: No one from exploiting classes will be admitted in to the party unless he/she hands over his property to the party and should deeply integrate with the masses.

Article – 10: Proven renegades, enemy agents, careerists, individuals of bad character, degenerates and such alien class-elements will not be admitted into the party

Article – 11: Generally party members will be admitted from activist groups organized for party activity working under the guidance of party unit. They must be involved in party activities as decided by the concerned party unit at least for six months before admitting them as candidate member.

Article – 12: By the end of the candidature period, the concerned party unit after reviewing can give full membership or his/her candidature can be extended for another six months, by explaining the reasons. This decision should be reported to the next higher committee. Higher committees may change or modify the decision taken by the lower committee. Zonal/Dist. committee must approve the new membership. SAC/State Committee will finally approve.

Article – 13: An Indian residing in a foreign country that has all the necessary qualifications for party membership may be given membership; a foreigner residing in India permanently can also be given membership.

If a member of other Marxist-Leninist groups wants to join our party, he/she may be admitted with the approval of the next higher committee. If his/her status is that of primary member in the original party, he/she shall be admitted as full fledged member with the approval of the district/sub-zonal committee. If he/she is an AC member in the original party, he/she shall be admitted with the approval of the state/regional committee. If he/she was of the rank of district or regional level in the original party, he/she shall be admitted by the central committee if he/she was of the rank above regional committee.

If an ordinary member of a bourgeois or revisionist party wants to leave that party and join our party, his/her application shall be recommended by two party members, one of them being a party member at least for two years. His/ Her candidate membership shall have to be accepted by the next higher committee. Similarly, if a member of a bourgeois or revisionist party bearing area level or above responsibilities wants to join our party, his/her application shall have to be recommended by two party members one of them being party members at least for five years. His/her membership shall have to be accepted by the state committee or by the central committees.

Article – 14: Membership fees are Rs.10 per annum. Under the guidance of the State Committee the concerned unit after assessing the economic situation of the party member will fix monthly party levy.

CHAPTER-4: RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF PARTY MEMBERS

The Duties of the Party Members :

Article – 15: He/she shall study and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism lively. In the concrete condition of India, he/she must be creative, firm and capable in practice. He/she should try to develop his/her consciousness from the rich experiences of party’s ideological, political and organizational line as well as style and method of work.

Article – 16: He/she shall defend and try to develop ideological and political basis of the party and shall consistently wage ideological and political struggle against various types of non proletarian trends, revisionist policies, trends and style of work; ‘left’ and right opportunism, economism, spontaneity, parliamentarianism, legalism, reformism, liberalism, sectarianism, empiricism, subjectivism, dogmatism and anarchist concepts and trends.

Article – 17: He/she must study party organs, documents and magazines regularly and must take initiative in popularizing party’s literature and collecting party fund.

Article – 18: Party members must take part actively and regularly in the day-to-day work of those party units and organizations to which they are attached. They must following party line, programme, policies, principles, directives and decisions.

Article – 19: Every member must be ready to participate and play a vanguard role in class struggle in the form of armed agrarian revolutionary war i.e. Protracted People’s War and other forms of revolutionary mass struggles. They must be prepared to take part in war and give leadership in Protracted People’s War for seizure of political power.

Article – 20: He/she must subordinate his/her personal interests to the interests of the party and the people. Party members must fight for the interests of the great masses of the people, must integrate with broad masses, learn from them, rely upon them and strengthen the party relations with the broad masses. He/she must be true servant of the people, sacrifice everything for them and must go to the people for taking the solution of their problems i.e. keep to the principle of “from the masses to the masses”. He/she must be concerned about the problems of the people, try for their solutions, intimate all those things to the party in time and explain the party line and policies to them. If he/she is coming from other than proletariat class, should declass himself/herself with the proletarian ideology by taking part in the task of agrarian revolution and adopting the life style of proletariat.

Article – 21: He/She must not practice on own will, and should relentlessly fight with a proletarian class outlook against discrimination based on gender, caste, nationality, religion, race, region and tribe, and ruling class policies of divide and rule.

Article – 22: With the aim of helping each other, he/she must develop the method of collective functioning by comradely criticism and self-criticism. He/she must have attitude to work even with those who raise criticism and hold different views and be able at unite with the great majority, including those who have opposed them but are sincerely correcting their mistakes.

Article – 23: He/She must accept firmly in theory and practice -party unity, party committee functioning and party discipline.

He/She must safeguard the secrecy of the party. He/She must defend the party and hold its cause against the onslaught of the enemy. He/she must safeguard the unity of the party against factionalism. He/She must develop professional attitude towards his/her revolutionary work and must develop his/her level of skills, knowledge and proletarian out look.

Article – 24: The Rights of the Party Members:

a) The right to elect and to be elected to party committees at the concerned levels.

b) The right to get Party Magazines, documents, circulars, etc., and the right to freely discuss in the party meetings and party organs about the political and organizational line, policies and decisions of the party and about problems arising in implementing them.

c) In case of any disagreement with the decision of the committee/unit, a member of the concerned committee/unit, must remain loyal to carry out the decision, may retain his/her dissenting opinion and demand resettlement of the issue in any subsequent meeting or may even send his/her opinion to higher committees, including the central committee, for consideration through his/her respective party unit, when the respective committee fails to solve the problem within six months, he/she has the right to send his/her opinion directly and the right to get reply also. It is, however, the discretion of the committee to decide whether to reopen the matter or not.

d) Any member has the right to send criticism against any other party member not in his/her unit to the next higher committee. Any party member has the right to send criticism and suggestions on the decisions taken by any party committee up to Central Committee through the next higher committee.

e) The duties and rights of the candidate members and party members are identical but for one difference. The candidate members have no right to elect or to be elected or to vote.

f) In case of punishment to any unit or party member, detailed explanation and discussion regarding the specific case must be conducted in his/her presence and information regarding decision must be sent to the higher committee in writing.

CHAPTER-5: ORGANISATIONAL PRINCIPLES OF THE PARTY

Article – 25:

a) The organizational principle of the party is democratic centralism. Party structure and internal life is based on this principle. Democratic centralism means centralism based on inner party democracy and inner party democracy under centralized leadership. While discussing open heartedly and being united in party work, such a political atmosphere has to be created where centralism as well as democracy, discipline as well as freedom, unity of will as well as personal ease of mind and liveliness – all these will be present. Only in such an atmosphere the principle of democratic centralism can be implemented successfully.

b) Most important principle of democratic centralism for organizational structure, the leading committees at all levels shall be compulsorily elected on the basis of democratic discussion. Conferences, plenums and elected committee at all levels shall have approval from higher-level committees. Essentially the whole party shall follow the principle that the individual is subordinate to the organization, the minority is subordinate to the majority, the lower level is subordinate to the higher level, and the entire party is subordinate to the Central Committee.

c) Leading committees of the party shall present the organizational report in Congress/Conference or Plenum. These committees will listen to the opinions of people both inside and outside the party and will be answerable to them. Party members shall have the right to criticize and send their opinions/resolutions to the higher committee; even if any party member has a different point of view then he/she can send his views to the higher committee and even up to the central committee.

d) Every member of the leading committee must bear the responsibility to give party leadership to a specified area and a front. They will take direct experience from it and knowledge acquired from this experience can help in guiding other committees, except special responsibility given by higher committees. Any member/members of all the leading committees including central committee can be given any special responsibility by the central committee.

e) The leading committees must regularly send reports to their lower committees and must intimate their decisions promptly. All lower bodies shall likewise be responsible to make regular reports to higher committees about their respective activities.

f) Except those, who are given some special tasks, every party member shall be a member of any one of the party units.

g) Before decisions are taken every party member may freely and fully discuss in the concerned party units. He/She may express his/her opinions on party policies and various problems and some times may abstain from expressing final opinion explaining the reason for it. But, after taking a decision, everybody must strictly abide by them. However, if a member still holds different opinion, he/she has the right to reserve it. It is not permissible to raise discussion on those issues immediately after they were discussed and decisions taken in Congress /conference.

Any member may raise discussion on new issues in the concerned committees. If he/she feels that the issues are concerned with the whole party then he/she may send his/her opinion up to the Central Committee through his/her committees or/and in special circumstances, directly. If one third of the Central Committee members opine so and also want to call plenum for its solution then it will be circulated at least up to the State Committees. In case the majority of the State Committees agree with this demand then the Central Committee will call the plenum. In such special circumstances, the Central Committee will ensure that the democratic method of resolving issues is followed.

h) Keeping in mind the difference between the tactics and method, every unit has the freedom to take initiative in developing new methods of implementation of the party general line and tasks given by higher committees.

i) If a member is arrested, he/she shall be relieved of all responsibilities and the membership will be placed under observation. Depending on his/her behaviour during the period of detention by enemy or in the jail or after coming out his/her membership shall be continued/cancelled. If continued he/she shall be admitted into the party committee which he/she belonged to prior to his/her arrest unless the party decides otherwise.

j) The method of criticism and self-criticism shall be practiced in the party committee at all levels. There must be relentless struggle against bureaucratic, individualistic, liberal, ultra-democratic, Multi-centered factionalist tendencies and trends in the functioning of the committees. The committees should function on the basis of collective leadership and individual responsibility.

k) Comradely relations and mutual co-operation shall be extended in rectifying the mistakes of others. A party member’s work has to be reviewed on the basis of his/her overall practice in party life and not on the basis of minor mistakes and some trifle matters.

l) It is only the Central Committee that shall have the right to take decision on domestic and international issues. Decisions on various levels regarding local issues and problems shall be taken by the respective committees, which will not be against the decisions taken by higher committees.

m) When a party member is transferred to another region, she/he shall be recognized as party member of the same level responsibility in that region. While transferring a member from one region to another all details about the member being transferred shall be sent to the concerned unit in writing.

CHAPTER-6: PARTY DISCIPLINE

Article – 26: Party Discipline is must to defend unity of the party, to increase the fighting capacity and to implement the policy of democratic centralism. Without iron discipline, no revolutionary party will be able to give capable leadership to the masses in the war and fulfill the responsibility of revolution. Party discipline is same for all the party members including the leadership.

Article – 27: a) To reject the aims and objective of the party, party programme or organizational structure or to violate them will be tantamount to indiscipline and the member or unit involved in such activities, will be liable to disciplinary action.

b) When party members violate party discipline, the concerned party unit shall take appropriate disciplinary measures warning, serious warning, suspending from party posts, removal from post, suspending or canceling the party membership, expelling from the party etc., subject to the approval of the higher committee. Cancellation and expulsion of party membership shall come into force only after the next higher committees approve them. Time limit shall be specified while suspending a party membership, which should not be more than one year. The next higher committee shall ratify suspension.

c) When any Party unit violates the discipline, the higher committees shall take disciplinary measures such as reprimanding the unit to partially reconstituting the unit. For dissolving the unit, approval of the next higher committee is necessary.

d) When a Central Committee member seriously violates party discipline (acts as enemy agent or indulges in open anti-party activities) the Central Committee shall have the right to remove him/her from his/her rank or to expel him/her from the party. But, such a measure will come into force only when two-thirds of Central Committee members give their approval.

e) The party unit or the party member whom disciplinary measure is taken shall be submitted a charge sheet beforehand. If the unit or the member thinks that such a disciplinary measure was unjustified, then the unit or the member may raise objection, may request for reviewing the decision or may appeal to the higher committee. Such appeals shall be sent to the higher committees by the concerned lower committees without any delay. Every member shall have the right to defend himself/herself in person in his/her committee/unit or to submit his/her written explanation to the higher committee, which takes disciplinary action against him/her.

Article – 28: a) Punishment should be given only if all other options of discussion and convincing to rectify a member or a party unit fails. Even after giving punishment efforts must be made to rectify. Policy of saving the patient and curing disease should be followed. In special circumstances to defend party security and respect, punishment should be given as soon as possible.

b) The lower committee cannot take any disciplinary action on any member of the higher committee. However, in case of dual membership they may send their allegations and suggestions about the members of the higher committees in writing to the concerned committees.

c) In case of gross breach of Party discipline which may cause serious harm to the party, if he/she be allowed to continue his/her membership or post in the party, a member can be summarily suspended from party membership, removed from his/her party post by his/her committee or by higher committees pending framing charge sheet and getting his/her explanation. At the time of taking such disciplinary steps, the concerned committee should specify the period by which a final decision will be taking in the matter.

d) If any party member or candidate member (or a member at any level) does not participate in party activities or does not implement party decisions for six months without showing proper reason; does not renew membership and does not pay membership fee and levy, he/her shall be deemed to have voluntarily withdrawn from the party and his/her membership shall either be suspended or cancelled.

e) The harshest measures among all the disciplinary measures taken by the party are expulsion and cancellation from the party. Hence while taking such decision; concerned party unit shall observe utmost care. Such measures will be taken when all the efforts in rectifying the concerned-member failed .The party members appeal must be carefully examined by the concerned higher committee and the circumstances, under which he/she committed the mistakes, must be thoroughly reviewed. Those members, who are corrupted in economic matters, politically degenerated, becomes characterless or betray the party-secrecy, shall be liable to punishment.

f) If persons whose party membership has been cancelled or have resigned express their willingness again to join the party, the concerned committees, should take a decision after thorough investigation. Membership should give only after testing through practice for a minimum period of six months. Only the state or Central Committee may take members once expelled from the party barring betrayals. Lower committees may, however, forward recommendations in this regard.

CHAPTER-7: PARTY’S ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE

Article – 29: a) The party organization shall be formed according to geographical divisions or spheres of production.

b) Party is constituted with two types of membership professionals and part-timers.

Article – 30: The party structure at the various levels shall be as follows:

a) The highest body of the party shall be the Party Congress. Between two Congresses the Central Committee will be the highest body of the party. Below the Central Committee there will be Special Area Committee/Special Zonal Committee/State Committee; Regional Committee; Zonal Committee/District/Divisional Committee; Sub-Zonal/Sub-Divisional Committee; Area Committee; local level committees such as village/Basti/Factory/College party committee. The primary unit of the party will be cell. The Town and city committee will be formed and the concerned higher committee will decide the status of the committee.

b) All committees will elect their secretaries. All committees may form secretariats according to the needs of the movement and the size of the committee. The secretaries of all committees and the secretariats are of the same level and will have same rights as the committee of which they are part. However they, secretaries and secretariats, will have special duties and responsibilities.

c) All the leading committees from Area Committee onward will be constituted only with professional revolutionaries.

d) The party congress is the supreme body of the entire party. The Central Committee elected by the congress is the highest authority body in between two congresses.

e) Special Area Committee/Special Zonal Committee/State Committee elected by the SAC/SZC/SC conference is the highest body at the SAC/SZC/State level.

f) Regional committee elected by the regional conference is the highest body at the region level. Regional committee can be formed by dividing the states or with parts of different states according to the requirements of the movement.

g) Similarly, Zonal/District/Divisional and Sub-Zonal/Sub-Divisional Committees will be elected at their respective level conferences. Area Committees are elected at the Area level conference.

h) Town/City Committee elected at the respective level conference.

i) Party cell – it consists of three to five members in a village, or in two or three villages combined, or a factory, or educational institution, or a locality, or two or three localities combined. In mass organisations units, cells may be formed.

j) In the period between two conferences or congresses, the committees elected at the respective levels are the highest bodies.

k) Various sub-committees and commissions under the leadership at different levels may be formed to efficiently carry out the party’s work in various spheres.

Basic Unit:

Article – 31: a) Party cell will be basic unit of the party. Party cell can be formed area-wise, profession-wise or production-wise. Party cells are the nucleus for day-to-day activities. The members in cells will be minimum 3 and maximum 5. Cell members will fulfill their responsibilities and duties as full-fledged party members and they will avail all the rights of party membership (except candidate members). The cell will elect its secretary.

b) Candidate members will also work according to the decisions of the party cell. They shall participate in the discussions and follow the party directives but they will not have voting rights at the time of decision-making.

c) While forming party cells area wise, efforts will be made to form party cells in factories and in mass organizations.

d) If there are two or more cells in an area, a committee below that of AC can be formed i.e. the local level committees (village/basti/factory/college party committees).

e) Party cell is a living link between broad masses of an area and the party. The cell will lead the revolutionary war of broad masses of people with full initiative. It shall make relentless efforts to bring the masses of factory, locality and peasant areas close to the political line and aims of the party. By involving militant activists and party followers in the revolutionary war against autocratic semi-colonial, semi-feudal state system. It will stress from the very beginning to educate the masses to function secretly, illegally and according to the strategy and tactics of the Protracted People’s war. By selecting 3-5 party activists and organizing them in a group educating them in party politics and organizing them as members are important responsibilities of party cells.

CHAPTER-8: PARTY CONGRESS

Article – 32: Holding the all India party Congress shall be decided by the central committee. The party Congress shall be held once in five years. Under special circumstances it may either be postponed or preponed. Decision has to be taken by majority of the CC.

Article – 33: The party congress elects a presidium to conduct the congress and discharges the following tasks:

a) It undertakes the political and organizational review of the party since the preceding congress.

b) It adopts and amends the party programme, party constitution and the strategy and tactics, financial policy and formulates other policy matters.

c) Appraises the domestic and international situation and lays down the tasks.

d) Decides the number of central committee members and elects the central committee and alternate CC members.

e) It ratifies the financial statements.

Article – 34: (a) the central committee elects general secretary of the party. It also elects a Politbureau depending on the requirements of the movement, will take political, organizational and military decisions according to the party-line and the decisions of the central committee in between the period of one central committee meeting to the next and will get its decisions ratified in the subsequent central committee meeting. It will also set up regional bureaus, CMC, other commissions and other sub-committees & departments. The General Secretary also acts as the in charge of the Politbureau.

(b) To run its party organs, the central committee appoints editorial boards for each organ. The General Secretary will be the chief editor of the theoretical-ideological organ of the central committee.

Article – 35: The central committee may convene central plenums to deal with special problems in the period between two Congresses. These plenums can discuss and take decisions on problems relating to party line and policies in that period. Similarly election of new members into the central committee or removal of Central Committee members can also be taken up by the central plenums. Whenever it is necessary, the central committee can co-opt members not exceeding one-fourth of its existing strength if two-third of its members agree.

Article – 36: Special Area/Special Zonal/State; Regional; Zonal/District/Divisional plenums shall be held once in every three years. Under special circumstances they may be held earlier or postponed. However area conferences/plenums should be held once every two years. These conferences/plenums take decisions after holding discussions on problems relating to their respective levels, send their opinions on the party line and polices to higher committees, and elect the respective committees along with alternate members, if necessary.

Article – 37: In the period between above level conferences, if necessary, plenums may be convened, with the approval of the next higher committee. Decisions may be taken after discussion on problems in the areas under the jurisdiction of the various committees in their respective plenum of the respective committee members may either be elected or removed. If plenums of any committee cannot be held due to special circumstances, the concerned committees may co-opt one-fourth of their respective strengths with the approval of the next higher committee.

Article – 38: a) The number of delegates to the various conferences including the congress shall be decided by the respective committees according to membership strength as per the decisions of different levels of committees and party congress.

b) The respective committees are empowered to specially invite up to ten percent of the strength of delegates attending the congress, and other different level conference. Observes and non-voting delegates may also be invited to the conference of the respective committees.

Article – 39: The Central Committee shall release relevant draft documents to be discussed in the party congress to all party members giving sufficient time as decided by the CC, before the process of the congress starts. All amendments to drafts submitted by the lower level conferences and by members should be sent to the Central Committee, which will place them before the party congress. Delegates to the party congress shall enjoy the right to move amendments to the draft documents. After going through the draft documents, if any committee delegate/delegates want to move alternative document, he/she/they must immediately inform the Central Committee, and the central committee will decide about the time to be given to the concern delegate/delegates committee for drafting the document. The concerned committee delegate/delegates have to draft the document within a scheduled time as decided by CC, and thus submit it to the Central Committee. The Central Committee deserves the right to circulate it with its own comment.

Article – 40: The out going central committee shall propose to the congress a panel of members of the new central committee to be formed. Any delegate shall have the right to object to any name in the panel, or can even propose a new panel, with the prior approval of the member whose name is proposed. If there are no alternate proposals, the approval to the panel proposed by the out going Central Committee shall be taken by a show of hands, in case of alternate proposal all committees including the Central Committee shall be elected by secret ballot.

Article – 41: The guidelines for the selection of delegates will be given by the Central Committee and the lower committees will apply these guidelines.

CHAPTER-9: RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CENTRAL COMMITTEE

Article – 42: The Central Committee will be elected by the party congress. In between the two party congresses the Central Committee is the highest leading body of the party. The Central Committee represents the whole party and can take crucial decisions with full authority on behalf of the party. The Central Committee shall meet at least once in a year.

Article – 43: a) Central Committee may form Politburo, Central Military Commission, regional bureaus and various sub-committees for smooth functioning of the party. The PB is of the same level and enjoys the same rights as the CC. However, it has special duties and responsibilities which it will fulfill on behalf of the CC in between two CC meetings.

Article – 44: The Central Committee can take step and remove any Central Committee member for gross breach of discipline, serious anti party activities and heinous factional activities. The punished member has the right to appeal before the congress. Till the matter is not decided or settled, Central Committee’s decision will remain standing. If 2/3 of the Central Committee members agree, they can take decision to oust any member of the Central Committee

Article – 45: The Central Committee can co-opt any member in the Central Committee if any post remains vacant or for the need of the movement. Whenever it is necessary the Central Committee can co-opt members not exceeding one fourth of its existing strength, if 2/3 of its members agree. But it is to be ratified in the next congress. Co-option should be made from among alternative members, if there are no alternate members, then cc can co-opt from others.

Article – 46: The CCS will decide the date and time of the Central Committee meeting and will provide the agenda of the meeting beforehand. If 1/3 members of the Central Committee demand a meeting of the Central Committee, the secretary will have to call the meeting.

Article – 47: The Central Committee or Politburo holds the right to send its any member or members to check-up the work of any unit or any area. The Central Committee has the right to disband any committee and thereby form any organizing committee at any level.

Article – 48: If necessary the Central Committee can convene special conferences and plenums in between two congresses. The Central Committee will decide the other members of the different committees who will attend this plenum other than the CCMs.

CHAPTER-10: INTERNAL DEBATES IN THE PARTY

Article – 49: It is very essential to go through deep discussions to unify the whole party ideologically, politically and organizationally and to improve our methods. This is also democratic right of party members. At different levels of party, we should strive to resolve the questions related with the tactics by openhearted and unbridled debates in respective committees. When needed, help and advice of higher committees shall be taken. In the name of democratic rights of party members, endless debates on a particular issue will only harm the party functioning. So, any type of controversial debate or discussion can be permissible only after the consent of the 2/3 members of the concerned committees.

Article – 50: In case any member or committee has different views about the basic line of the party and it demands its circulation in the party, central committee has the right to take final decisions whether to accept or reject this demand.

Article – 51: If any central committee member has different views in regard with all India or International questions and he/she demands to take this idea in the whole party, in that case, the above-said views will be sent to state/regional committees or to any level if accepted by1/3rd members of the central committee. But any committee member cannot send his/her different views to the lower level committees without the permission from the central committee.

Article – 52: If any lower level committee or committee member has different views on the political and organizational line of the central committee, then they can send their views to the central committee according to the party committee functioning. If needed central committee can send these views along with its opinion in the whole party.

Article – 53: All debates in the party under the control of central committee or under its direction shall be sent to special area, state/regional and zonal committees or to all the levels of party.

CHAPTER-11: PARTY FUNCTIONING IN THE PEOPLE’S ARMY

Article – 54: The people’s army is the chief instrument of the party. Hence the party will use this instrument in rousing, mobilizing, organizing and arming the people in carrying out the task of the revolution. It will participate in social production also. Only through the Protracted People’s War, with people’s army as the highest weapon, the Party will carry out the task of seizure of political power by overthrowing the present reactionary state power which represents the interests of imperialism, feudalism and comprador big bourgeoisie and thereby establish a new democratic state. It will protect the country; defend the victory of NDR, with the goal of socialism. Party will educate the army with the weapon of MLM.

Article – 55: The Party will exercise full control over the army from the very beginning. Because the party decides the overall political strategy and tactics of revolution, hence it also decides the functioning and forms of party organizations in the army by keeping the level of development of the Protracted People’s War before it. Central Military Commission constituted by the Central Committee will conduct the military affairs according to the military line of the party as well as the policies, directives and decisions of the Central Committee. In this light the Military Commissions and Commands will be constituted at various levels to conduct the military operations. Being the leader and organizer of the People’s Army the party ranks at various level will play a leading and front-ranking role in all the affairs of the army.

Article – 56: This People’s Army will be constituted of three forces that is the main force, the secondary force and the base force.

Article – 57: In our guerrilla army all the formations from platoon, company and above level will have party committees. The party branch will be constituted with party members. Various squads will have party cells and party branches. Where needed, a party committee will be constituted at that level. Party members and ranks will also remain in the militia and play the leading and front-ranking role there.

Article – 58: All members of military formations will function under the leadership of the respective party committees. The decisions of these party committees will be carried out and implemented by the respective military formations.

Party members in PLGA will be invited to the party conference/plenums according to their respective level. In general, the party committees in the military formations at and above platoon level will be elected in conferences held at that level.

CHAPTER-12: PARTY FRACTIONS IN MASS ORGANISATIONS

Article – 59: The party fractions shall be formed in the executive committees of mass organizations. Party fractions will guide the executive committees of the mass organizations adopting suitable method in accordance with the correct concrete situation. Fraction will function secretly. The opinions of party committee/ member guiding the fraction shall be considered as final opinion. If fraction committee members have any difference of opinion, they will send their opinions in writing to the concerned party committee/higher committee. The concerned party committees shall guide fraction committees of different mass organizations at their own level.

CHAPTER-13: PARTY FUNDS

Article – 60: The party funds shall be obtained through the membership fees, levies, donations, taxes, penalties, and the wealth confiscated from enemies.

Article – 61: The levy to be paid by party members shall be decided and collected in their respective state committees.

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CPI(Maoist) Documents- Party Program

Posted by Indian Vanguard on November 13, 2007

Source: Maoist Revolution In India

Party Program

Introduction

The 1970 programme of the CPI(ML) and the MCC document of 1969 have provided the correct revolutionary general line for the Indian revolution after breaking the decades-old entrenched revisionism in the Indian communist movement. The line laid out in these two documents has been further enriched in the various Conferences and Congress of the two parties based on the vast experience accumulated by the two organisations in the course of leading the people’s war in India and the major developments that had taken place in the domestic and international situation.

The history of our two parties, representing the two main Maoist streams in India, is deeply rooted in the resounding period of ’60s. It was the period during which the two outstanding and front-ranking leaders of our two streams–comrades CM and KC – emerged on the scene in the course of applying MLM to the concrete conditions of India and by fighting, exposing and breaking from the age-old revisionism of the CPI and CPI(M) brand. The great Naxalbari revolt led by comrade CM in May 1967 proved to be the clarion call of ‘Spring Thunder over India .

In the subsequent period, our two Maoist streams not only continued the legacy of our beloved leaders but also achieved great successes in rebuilding and advancing the armed agrarian revolution through protracted people’s war. As a result, the waves of the new phase of the ‘spring thunder’ are once again reverberating today in Andhra, Bihar-Jharkhand, Dandakaranya, and other areas of our country; they are being increasingly felt all over India and far beyond.

Today, the ever-deepening economic and political crisis in the country as part of the overall crisis in the international arena is providing fertile ground for a new high tide of people’s movements, including the revolutionary movement under the leadership of our Unified Party. The unified Party, by providing the much-needed leadership to the people’s movement countrywide, is bound to accelerate the armed agrarian revolutionary war throughout the country. In this background we are confident that this new Party Programme will serve in giving greater clarity regarding the Party’s general line to the entire rank and file and in helping the Party to assume leadership of the rising tide of people’s struggles and in advancing the people’s war throughout the country.

Party Programme

1. Our beloved motherland, India, is one of the oldest, largest and most populous countries of the world, inhabited by near about 110 crores of people. Our country is a country endowed with rich natural resources like land, labour, animal, water, mineral, forest, etc. India is a multinational country, comprising people of various nationalities and tribes going through various stages of their development, including people of different religious faiths. Vast majority of the population of our country is dependent mainly on agriculture. Hence, in essence, it is a country of peasant masses. The people of this country are hard-working and talented. It is also a land of one of the oldest civilisations. On the whole, our country and our people are the inheritors of a rich revolutionary tradition and a glorious cultural heritage.

2. For thousands of years the feudalism that has dominated Indian society is rigid caste-based feudalism which was built on a brahminical ideology. This pernicious caste system was of enormous value to extract large surplus from the oppressed particularly the so-called outcastes, who were pushed to a slave-like condition. It is into this condition of backwardness that British Colonialism intervened with their East India Company. Thereafter, beginning with the victory of the Battle of Plassey of 1757, the British colonialists began to occupy the whole country and succeeded in establishing their own direct rule during the next several decades. At that time India possessed flourishing trade and commerce along with thriving handicraft and cottage industry. Embryo of commodity economy was emerging from the womb of feudal economy. But the exploitative and oppressive rule of the British colonialists brutally ruined this development. They also mercilessly ruined indigenous artisans and traders. The self-sufficient natural economy of the village also disintegrated to some extent initially and later to a large extent. They converted India as a source of their raw materials and market for their industrial goods. During near about 200 years of their direct colonial rule and exploitation, the Indian economy was converted in to a completely dependent economy on imperialism. The Indian economy was thus integrated into the world capitalist-imperialist economy in a subordinate position and subsequently was moulded to suit the needs of British-imperialist finance capital.

In order to consolidate their rule and to carry on their ruthless exploitation, the British colonialists preserved the feudal forces and at the same time reoriented them in to such new Zamindars, who acted as their social props, through permanent settlement in the form of Zamindari, Mahalwari and Rayatwari system of land ownership. Thus the British rulers transformed independent and feudal India in to a colonial and semi-feudal India .

3. The Indian proletariat emerged on the stage of history from among the pauperised and ruined peasantry with the British colonialists setting up railways, mines, docks, plantations and a few industries. Thereby, from among the comprador merchants, money-lenders, feudal rulers and landlords, who came forward in investing in industries, such as textile, jute, steel, paper cement and plantations etc. under the patronage of and according to the needs and planning of the British imperialists, emerged the present comprador big capitalist class, which is completely dependent on imperialism for its survival and growth. At the same time, an educated petty-bourgeoisie class emerged out of the educational system introduced by the British imperialists to suit the needs of their administration and rule.

4. From the very beginning of the British rule, they had to face the glorious national liberation struggles of the Indian people. After the British occupation, the history of India is the history of uninterrupted historic struggles carried out by the Indian people against the British imperialists and also against the feudal exploitation and oppression. This history has been the history of the glorious revolutionary peasant struggles, and peasant upsurges emerged on the scene one after another. A series of peasant struggles and rebellions against the British colonialists and their feudal props, such as the Santhal revolt of 1854-56, culminated in the First War of Independence of 1857, which is the beginning of the Indian democratic revolution. This uprising of the revolting army, the peasantry and patriotic people spread throughout the country like a prairie fire, inflicted many humiliating defeats on the colonialists and shook the very foundation of foreign British rule. But it ended in failure because of the feudal leadership and their betrayal.

Thereafter, a large number of armed peasants and tribal rebellions against the British colonialists and their feudal props took place. However, as neither the working class was strong enough to provide leadership, nor the working class ideology along with revolutionary party based on such an ideology was there, these struggles and rebellions too met with failure.

5. The Congress Party, and later the Gandhian leadership in the Congress, was brought forth by the British colonialists to divert and derail the growing anti-imperialist national liberation movement and to deprive the people of revolutionary leadership. Even then as the living conditions of the toiling masses became more and more unbearable as a result of imperialist crisis and the world war, the peasants, workers, and the other toiling people rose in revolt in increasing numbers to overthrow the British rule. The revolutionary section of the petty-bourgeoisie also took arms from time to time in their heroic struggles especially the struggle led by Bhagat singh and his revolutionary group. Their heroic struggles have left indelible imprints on the people, while the exploiters and oppressors were frightened. Beginning with the Champaran peasant struggle (Bihar), the Gandhian leadership, loyal to the British, representing the comprador big bourgeois and landlord classes, intervened with the ideology of non-violence, passive resistance and ‘satyagragha’ and thereby diverted the developing national liberation movement from the path of struggle and revolution to the path of surrender and bargaining. To protect their political and economic interests, the British rulers gave some political and economic concessions to the comprador big bourgeoisie along with the landlords so that they would act as stable pillars of British imperialism.

6. The victory of Great October Revolution of 1917 in Russia, under the leadership of comrade Lenin, the Marxist-Leninist ideology was disseminated in our country. Under the influence of this ideology, and as a result of heroic and militant struggles waged against British imperialism by the proletariat, the CPI was born in 1925. But despite innumerable opportunities, the leadership of the proletariat and its party could not establish itself in the liberation movement. The leadership of the Communist Party continuously refused to recognise the real character of the Gandhian leadership. Thereby it failed to demarcate itself and fight against it along with taking the correct revolutionary path and revolutionary initiative. Rather, they continued to trail behind the Gandhian leadership and turned their back in linking the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Indian revolution. This leadership could not make the correct class analysis of the Indian Society and also failed to integrate itself with the brave Indian people, particularly the peasantry. They also refused to learn and follow the triumphantly advancing Chinese revolution under the leadership of comrade Mao Tse-tung and the Chinese communist Party. They did not take the path of armed struggle for the seizure of political power in the national liberation movement. Even though the objective revolutionary situation was extremely favourable in India at the time, yet the opportunistic leadership of the communist party always turned their back to take the correct path of protracted people’s war and the armed national liberation war. Actually the leadership of the Communist Party helped in derailing the anti-imperialist people’s militant movement and dragged the revolutionary masses behind the Gandhian leadership through forming an opportunistic alliance with it. Most of all, this leadership betrayed the great Telangana armed revolt of the peasantry and entrenched itself in the mire of parliamentarism and revisionism in the deceptive name of using parliament. That too, at such a time when the objective situation was unprecedentedly favourable for advancing the agrarian revolution and the glorious path of protracted people’s war illuminated by comrade Mao Tse-tung and the victorious Chinese revolution. Despite this, brave revolutionary ranks of the Communist Party stood by the side of the fighting people and led many revolutionary struggles. They laid down their valuable lives to achieve the lofty aim of completing the Indian revolution as a part of the world proletarian revolution.

7. During and after the period of Second World War, the utter defeat of the fascist forces inflicted by the red armed forces of the Soviet Union and the world people led by great Stalin; the considerable weakening of imperialism as a result of the war; the rise of the people’s democratic power in East European countries and earth-shaking victory of the great Chinese revolution, under the leadership of comrade Mao Tse-tung, which illuminated the path of the liberation to the oppressed nations and people of the whole world; the emergence of the world socialist system in one-third of the globe along with the unprecedented upsurge of the national liberation struggles, established a new balance of forces in the world. More particularly, the victory of the Chinese revolution concretely brought forth the path of liberation of the oppressed nations and people of Asia, Africa and Latin America from the exploitation and oppression of imperialism. That is how the victory of the Chinese revolution played a powerful role in changing the balance of forces in the then prevailing world situation.

In such a grave situation faced by imperialists, it became immediately necessary for them to change their old style of direct colonial rule to adopt a new style of colonial rule and exploitation by relying on the agents they have selected and trained in order to save themselves, because the newly-emerged situation had already weakened them to a great extent. The imperialists had already trained their selected agents, who represented the big comprador capitalist and land lord classes, as their faithful ruling class; thereby they changed the old colonial form of their exploitation and rule into the neo-colonial form of indirect rule, exploitation and control.

8. In the Indian sub-continent also unprecedented revolutionary situation emerged on the scene during, and in the immediate aftermath of, World War II. Powerful movement for the release of the prisoners of the ‘Azad Hind Fauz’; powerful anti-imperialist demonstrations of the students all over India; Tebhaga, and Bakasht movements along with the powerful anti-feudal movement in the princely states; strike of the post and telegraph employees; glorious mutiny of the R.I.N. naval forces in Bombay along with emerging resentment among the army and the air-forces; police revolt in Bihar; solidarity struggles of the working class and the beginning of the historic armed peasant struggles in Telangana, brought the imperialist rule in India almost to the verge of collapse.

In such a situation, the British imperialists used the services of their faithful comprador agents, the leaders of the Congress and the Muslim league, to maintain their exploitation, control and indirect rule to suppress the revolutionary upsurge of the Indian people. Amidst conspiracies and intrigues resulting in communal carnage and massacre, the country was partitioned on religious basis. British imperialists transferred the power to their faithful agents, the leadership of the congress party – representing the comprador bureaucratic capitalist and big landlord classes- and went behind the curtain. The declaration of ‘Independence’ in 1947 was nothing but fake in essence. Actually the direct colonial and semi-feudal system of the British imperialists was replaced with semi-colonial and semi-feudal system under the neo-colonial form of indirect imperialist rule, exploitation and control.

9. During the subsequent years of formal independence, which is fake in essence, these comprador bureaucratic big bourgeoisie and big landlord ruling classes continued to serve the imperialists faithfully. In the changed situation, besides the British, the U.S. and other imperialist exploiters, the Soviet exploiters too, with the restoration of capitalism by the Khruschovite revisionism after the death of Com. Stalin, started penetrating into our country. Subservient to the imperialists, the Indian ruling classes kept the doors open for the loot and plunder of our country by the imperialist powers while fulfilling their own interests also by utilizing the inter-imperialist contradictions.

10. After the end of direct colonial rule, imperialism adopted new forms of indirect rule, exploitation, and control of the nations and countries subordinated to them. That is called neo-colonialism. This is more deceptive and more sinister form of colonialism. Now the imperialist finance capital continues to be exported unrestrictedly through the international institutions of the imperialists, such as the IMF and the World Bank, which imposed stringent conditionalities and also through loans and ‘grants’ by the imperialist countries. With this, the unrestricted flow of imperialist finance capital has further increased and its grip has also tightened. Despite this, the direct investment by multinationals also continues to increase.

The domination and control of the imperialist finance capital in every sphere of our life-economic, political, military and cultural-continued to increase further and further. Actually, the imperialists control the key sectors of the Indian economy and even the administration. The all-round penetration and control of imperialist finance capital is reflected in a phenomenal increase in the total quantum of imperialist capital, in thousands of collaborations for technology and capital, in unequal and humiliating agreements and dependence on imperialism for ‘aid’, grants and loans, capital goods, technical know-how, agricultural inputs, military supplies and armament industries. Recently, the stranglehold of imperialist finance capital over agricultural sector also continued to tighten along with other sectors because of WTO and imperialist globalization. All these are made possible because of the subservience of the comprador capitalist and feudal classes to imperialism. Hence, India continues to be a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country under the neo-colonial form of imperialist indirect rule, exploitation and control.

11. According to the dictates and planning of the imperialists, particularly the U.S. imperialists, comprador big capitalist and feudal ruling classes of India continue to follow such a reactionary foreign policy which serves the imperialists according to the needs of their world strategy.

12. After the end of World War II, the U.S. imperialism emerged as the most powerful imperialist country. It had thus come to the fore as the main enemy of the oppressed people, oppressed nations and the world proletariat.

Then, after the demise of comrade Stalin and particularly since the 20th congress of the CPSU, the Soviet Union was transformed into a capitalist country. It further emerged as a social-imperialist and thereby a super power by 1970. It continued to wear the garb of socialism and made the East European countries as its satellites. Moreover, it started to exploit many oppressed countries and nations and succeeded in establishing its domination and control on some of them. It equipped itself with nuclear arsenal and emerged as a great danger and vicious enemy of the world people. It emerged as a chief rival of the U.S. imperialism for re-division and hegemony over the world. In this contention for re-division and hegemony, millions of lives were lost in several proxy wars, and on a few occasions the world even came to the brink of world war. In India too, these two super powers continued to be the big oppressors and exploiters of the people and contended with each other. But after the 70′s, the Soviet social imperialists continued to maintain the dominant position for more than two decades. After the collapse of the Soviet superpower, the Indian ruling classes began to tilt towards the US superpower which assumed the dominant position at present.

13. Indian comprador bureaucratic class is one of the chief instruments for the imperialist exploitation and control over India. It is completely tied with and dependent on imperialism for its existence and development. Its interests are closely interlinked with the interests of the imperialists in all fields. It is tied to imperialism and allied with feudalism. This comprador bureaucratic capitalist class (or big bourgeoisie or state monopoly bourgeoisie) is extremely reactionary, anti-people and anti-national and subjects the vast Indian masses – the proletariat, peasantry and the petty-bourgeoisie to ruthless exploitation and oppression and it is a hurdle for the development of the independent Indian economy. It also restricts the growth of small and middle bourgeoisie and continues to ally with imperialism to maintain the decadent pre-capitalist modes of production. Hence, this class is also one of the targets of the Indian new democratic revolution.

14. Afraid of the people’s wrath, demonstrated by peasants’ revolt, and particularly panicky with the great and historic Telangana peasant’s revolt, the comprador big capitalist and feudal ruling classes of India, introduced some changes in land relations in the name of abolishing feudalism after 1947 according to the needs and planning of the imperialists. The ‘princely states’ and the intermediary system of land tenure were abolished after paying huge compensations. But the monopoly over land by big landlords continues to remain as such while the vast population of the landless and poor peasents remains deprived of the land.

Even today, our country is fundamentally a country of the peasant masses as two-third of the population live in the rural areas. The overwhelming majority of the peasantry is the most exploited and oppressed class. They are forced to live in most wretched and extremely poor conditions. Despite the hoax of all land reforms, 30% of the total land is concentrated in the hands of landlords, who constitutes only 5% of the population, while middle peasantry constitute about 20% of the rural population, where as rich peasantry constitutes 10 %. 65 % of the total peasantry are landless and the poor peasants, who own either no land at all or meagre land. Extreme forms of semi-feudal exploitation are still prevalent in the countryside. The major prevailing forms of such exploitation are extortion of their produce through share cropping, which is robbing them of their produce up to 50%, bonded labour, usurious and merchant capital and other forms of extra-economic coercion. The most vicious form of extracting surplus through extra-economic coercion was through the caste system. Here the artisan and service castes had to serve the landed gentry and priests for a nominal fee. The scheduled castes continued to be treated as near slaves contributing even free labour and services in the name of “begar” etc.

The backward agriculture on fragmented land, mainly dependent on primitive methods in some places and vagaries of nature, is subjecting a large population of peasantry including an overwhelming number of middle peasants, to live a miserable life. The countryside is dominated by landlords, usurers, merchants and religious institutions. These exploiting sections are the mainstay of the semi-feudal relations of production in the country. All these facts show that our country is a semi-feudal country. This class of feudal landlords protect and instigate casteism, communalism, superstition and maintains private armies, or goonda forces, perpetuates medieval oppression on the rural masses, and oppressed dalits, adivasis and women through often perpetrating massacres, rapes etc. It is this class of oppressors who hold social and political power, ensures perpetuation of decadent feudal culture along with encouraging caste, fanaticism, male-domination, including patriarchy and undemocratic authoritarian ideas etc. in the vast countryside. The feudal landlord’s authority is caste-based. They use their upper-caste social and political links to sustain this authority and terror in the countryside. Brahminical ideology is used to give it a religious sanctity. This is the overall dominant aspect of the rural society of India and the main obstacle to the release of productive forces and the progress of our country. This class of usurers, merchants and big landlords is extremely reactionary and a social prop of imperialism; hence one of the chief targets of the new democratic revolution in India.

15. After the transfer of power in 1947, the Indian ruling classes, in serving imperialism, resorted to several measures to promote alternative development models in place of radical land reforms based on “land to the tiller”. Firstly, they brought forth community development programme, rural co-operatives and intensive agricultural development programmes (IADP) etc. with the aid of, and according to the needs and planning of, Ford and Rockefeller foundations, the World Bank and other imperialist agencies. Thereafter, in continuation of these steps they introduced the so-called Green Revolution in Punjab and some rural pockets of the country by the mid-1960s. This ‘Green Revolution’ was meant not only to provide captive market for the imperialist goods but also was an attempt to counter the emerging threat of the Red Revolution and to solve the chronic food crisis.

Despite increase in the productivity including production, the negative results of this ‘Green Revolution’ started reflecting on the surface very soon. It greatly increased the cost of agricultural inputs while the prices of production lagged far behind or remained almost stagnant. Thus, this increasing gap resulted in increasing fall in agricultural savings; thereby living condition of the peasantry continues to be deteriorating instead of improving, whereas, the market for agricultural products of the imperialists such as farm machinery, chemical fertilizers, HYV seeds, pesticides, etc. continues to grow along with their profit. Leaving aside a handful of big landlords, including some newly emerged big pro-capitalist landlords (from among the old rich peasants), the vast majority of the peasantry, particularly the poor peasants and agricultural labourers, as well as a sizable section of the middle peasants, continue to be increasingly driven into the clutches of the usurers, merchants, big pro-capitalist land lords, whereas the grip of the Banks and other financial institutions also continues to tighten further and further. With the increasing penetration of imperialist finance capital, its grip has been further tightened. This has also further introduced some capitalist relations of production, but this capitalism is very much distorted and disarticulated. Moreover, the land question has not been fundamentally solved. No doubt, with the ‘Green Revolution’, some new class forces have emerged on the scene, but this so-called capitalist development has brought nothing except misery and resultant discontentment among the peasant masses, that too, on a massive scale. Despite some changes in the areas of the ‘Green Revolution’, no significant change has occurred in the semi-feudal relations of India as a whole. Even though some changes are there it did not bring any changes in the caste system.

16. The crisis of imperialism that had emerged in the beginning of 70s continues to deepen further and further. Though they got some respite with the collapse of the erstwhile Soviet State capitalist imperialism, they could not tide over their crisis. Hence they brought forth the imperialist policies of privatization, liberalization and globalization more forcefully. These policies have not only more openly tightened the grip of imperialist finance capital, but also accelerated the pace of exploitation and oppression of the oppressed nations and people. In spite of this, the crisis of imperialism has touched unprecedented new heights in the recent years, unheard of since the end of Second World War, and the normal means of solving it have already been exhausted. In this back-drop, the U.S imperialists have openly started resorting to military means in their desperate attempt to come out of the deep-rooted and all round economic, political and social crises.

Today, in India and all other backward countries, thousands of big imperialist MNCs and TNCs are openly operating. Imperialism is increasingly moving towards trampling under-foot the so-called sovereignty, in the neo-colonial type of semi-colonial countries through these policies. All kinds of restrictions are increasingly removed for the autocratic control, expansion and unrestricted exploitation of the imperialist finance capital. The so-called public sector, which was erected in the deceptive name of socialism to mislead the public opinion, is being offered to the comprador bourgeoisie and imperialist MNCs. These policies are further worsening the living conditions of the peasant masses, particularly the landless and poor peasants, including large sections of the middle peasants and a section of the rich peasants. The living conditions of other toiling people, particularly the working class, peasants, students and youth including women, employees and petty-bourgeoisie section are increasingly deteriorating and are thrown into a life and death crisis. Hence a fertile ground is being created for upsurges against imperialism and their faithful ruling classes.

According to the imperialist needs and planning, the Indian ruling class has haphazardly carried out industrialization. Through irrational exploitation of the natural resources it has trampled under-foot the environmental norms thereby endangering the ecological balance even at the cost of country’s interest.

17. The Indian ruling classes have not only inherited the sanguinary state machinery from their British imperialist masters; but also have preserved and strengthened it further during the last six decades. This state machinery is nothing but an instrument of suppression and repression, and represents the dictatorship of the comprador bourgeoisie and landlord classes subservient to imperialism. The repressive rule is sought to be covered up behind the façade of fraudulent parliamentary system. This state system represents the semi-colonial, semi-feudal system under neo-colonial form of indirect rule, exploitation and control. During the recent years, the repressive teeth of this state system has not only been further sharpened but also centralized more and more by the comprador-feudal alliance backed by imperialism. The chief weapons of this blood thirsty rule are well-organized and well-equipped modern army, paramilitary forces along with police forces of different states, anti-people judiciary and neck-deep corrupted and powerful bureaucracy. This state machinery is extremely reactionary and anti-people. Without smashing this state machinery, any struggle for the basic rights and problems of the people and for their uplifting cannot move forward beyond a limited level.

18. Viewing the dominant position of India in over all South-Asia, the imperialists have always backed, encouraged and instigated the expansionist designs of the comprador Indian ruling classes, so that they could continue their unchallenged control over the vast profitable market. According to the needs and dictates of imperialists, the comprador ruling classes of India continue to send their armed forces as their mercenary forces to other countries of the world such as Somalia, Yugoslavia, Congo, Rwanda etc., from time to time. Through this aggressive expansionist role, the Indian comprador bureaucrat bourgeoisie, while serving the imperialists principally, has its own interests also in the region in looting these countries of their capital, market, raw materials etc.

Due to these expansionist ambitions and intervention and subversive activities of the Indian comprador bureaucrat bourgeoisie, backed by imperialism, Indian expansionism has emerged as a great threat to the security and integrity of all the South-Asian countries and especially their people with a vastly superior army along with strong centralized state machinery. Indian Ruling classes interfere in internal affairs in Nepal including showing readiness to send its armies there, just as the Indian army was sent into the then East Pakistan (Now Bangladesh) in 1971, into Sri Lanka to suppress the LTTE in 1987. The ruling classes of India have become an important medium for imperialist exploitation and control of the South-Asian countries and more particularly for their people. Hence, it is one of the most important tasks of the Indian proletariat and the Maoist forces in India to more closely unite with the people of South Asia to expose, fight and defeat the expansionist designs of the Indian expansionists along with the imperialists.

19. There are four major contradictions in our country:

(i) Contradiction between imperialism and Indian people;

(ii) Contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses of the people;

(iii) Contradiction between capital and labour;

(iv) Contradiction among the ruling classes.

From among these four major contradictions the first two contradictions are basic contradictions. These two contradictions have to be resolved during the present stage of the new democratic revolution. These two contradictions also play the major or dominant role in chalking out the overall strategy for the present stage of the Indian revolution.

Out of these two basic contradictions, the second contradiction that is, contradiction between feudalism and broad masses is the principal contradiction at present. During the process of resolving this contradiction through the armed agrarian revolution, which is the axis of the new democratic revolution, that is, protracted people’s war, the resolution of other contradictions will be facilitated. Besides these two basic contradictions, the other two major contradictions also play an important role in determining the strategic and tactical policies for the new democratic revolution of India today.

Besides these major contradictions there are some other contradictions also, which have to be resolved as a subordinate part of the resolution of the basic or major contradictions.

20. India is a multinational, multi-lingual country comprising many cultures. These nationalities and tribes are going through different stages of their development. On the nationality question, imperialism has always adopted the policy of using the developed nationalities as their instrument to retard the development of other undeveloped or developing nationalities and to eliminate their identity and thereby to continue their exploitation and oppression. In India too, the ruling classes, subservient to imperialism, had transformed the country as a prison-house of nationalities under the so-called slogan of “unity and integrity” of the country. It is in such a context that the ongoing nationality struggles in various parts of the country today are advancing by assuming various forms including armed struggle. The struggles of the Kashmiri, Naga, Assamese, Manipuri and other nationalities in north-eastern region are already going on by assuming the armed form. The people of these oppressed nationalities are not only fighting for their identity but also for the just cause of achieving their honourable right of self-determination, including the right of secession and the demand for secession.

Nationality question, in the final analysis, is a matter of class question. In this light, the nationalities’ struggles can achieve genuine liberation only as a part of the larger struggle directed against the Indian ruling classes and the imperialist predators advancing under the leadership of the proletariat towards completing the New Democratic Revolution. Our party must unequivocally support these nationalities struggles. It must also resolutely oppose the vicious attempt of the Indian ruling classes to suppress these movements with their military might. It must also oppose the attempts of the Indian ruling classes to impose Hindi and English or any other language on the nationalities unilaterally. The right of self-determination including, and up to, the right of secession, must be firmly upheld and highlighted in all circumstances. Our party must also uphold and highlight the standpoint that final and genuine solution of the nationality question lies with the establishment of new federation of people’s democratic republics after completely smashing the present centralized state machinery, representing and protecting the interest of imperialism and feudalism.

21. Condemnable caste system and casteism, especially the Brahmanical casteism, is a special feature of the semi-feudal system prevailing in India. The obnoxious caste system and casteism, which is being perpetuated by the ruling classes for thousands of years, is a specific form of social oppression and exploitation affecting the oppressed castes of the country. Casteism crushes the self-respect of the individual, treats them as inferiors and creates a social hierarchy with each rung in the ladder looking down on the other. It is such a weapon, which is used both by the Indian ruling classes and the imperialists to instigate and divide the poor people and the oppressed. The majority of the oppressed castes are poor and face acute caste oppression in addition to the class oppression. Casteism is used for derailing their actual struggles directed against imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucrat capitalism.

Dalits are at the lowest rung of this casteist ladder facing acute social oppression from all social categories above them, particularly from the feudal forces. The inhuman practice of untouchability is still continuing and is being maintained. Accordingly, the dalits are being treated as second-rate citizens. Even today 90 to 95 per cent from among them are either landless and poor peasants or village labourers.

Even today their age-old struggles against feudal oppression and for getting equal status in the society are being targeted and Dalits have become victim of these vicious attacks by the feudal and fundamentalist Hindutva forces patronized by the ruling classes and their state machinery. These attacks are beings manifested in the form of massacres and en masse gang rapes.

Though the Dalit question is in essence a class question, the Party should lead the struggle against caste oppression on Dalits and other backward castes as a part of New Democratic Revolution and fight for their equal place in all spheres of social life by fighting all forms of caste discrimination and oppression, towards abolishing the caste system.

The Party must fight for equal rights, reservations and other special privileges for dalits and other backward castes. Simultaneously we must expose the hollowness of the policies of the ruling class parties and the state on these issues. We must also expose the opportunist dalit leaders who build their own electoral fortunes in the name of taking up dalit issues. We have to initiate and lead the struggles against all forms of violence and discrimination against Dalits from our own class organisations. There is also urgent need to build organizations to fight untouchability, caste discrimination and for the eradication of the caste system as part of the new democratic transformation of society. The Party should also have to carry on the struggle against casteism and untouchability in the political, ideological and cultural spheres until casteist thinking is entirely eradicated.

22. Since the emergence of class-divided society, women have become the victims of social, economic, cultural and political discrimination and deprivation of various types. These obnoxious traditions are, in the main, still continuing i.e. caste system, dowry, child marriage, widow system, devadasi etc. Constituting half the population of our country, women are subjected to male domination and suppression through patriarchal institutions like family, religion, caste system, property relations and culture in addition to the imperialist feudal exploitation and oppression. Even though, they are entitled to own the property legally, but in actual practice this right has proved to be a hoax. Although women have increasingly come into the production sphere, they are among the least paid and are confined to gender-based occupations apart from harassments of all sorts at the work place. Sexual harassment and atrocities on women have increased in recent years, particularly because of imperialist globalization, liberalization and consumerism. Besides, female-male ratio has decreased due to discriminatory practices against women resulting from patriarchal ideology. The ruling classes’ attempts of fanning communalism and fundamentalism, particularly Hindu fundamentalism, have further intensified their sufferings. Rape is being used as a weapon to counter rightful assertion by women. This weapon is also used by the state as a most vile repressive measure against the women emerging in various struggles. Private armies of the feudal forces, backed by various parties of the ruling classes including the state, also use the weapon of rape as a vicious method of suppression.

Women hold half the sky’. Without unleashing the pent-up fury of women as a mighty force of revolution, victory in revolution is impossible. It is a matter of pride that the women masses, particularly from among the poor and landless peasants are increasingly coming forward to take an active and sometime front-ranking role in advancing the armed agrarian revolution. Hence, the mobilization of women in advancing people’s war against imperialism and feudalism is a must. Besides the class struggle, we have to carry on struggle in political, economic, ideological and cultural spheres for equal rights of women and equal opportunity for development. Real equality between men and women can be realized only in the course of the new democratic revolution and further in the process of socialist transformation of society as a whole. Hence, our party must pay special attention on rousing, mobilizing, organizing and helping the women to come forward to join the various ongoing struggles, particularly the people’s war, and the revolutionary women’s organization. We must also concentrate upon developing staunch and farsighted communist leaders from among them.

23. In India under the deceptive name and garb of secularism, Hindu communalism continues to hold sway. Almost all the ruling class parties continue to use the state machinery in fanning this communalism. The pro-Hindu bias of the Indian state is openly expressed on certain occasions. This communalism has been used to promote and propagate the idea of an Indian being equal to a Hindu, thereby directly making religious minorities secondary/second rate citizens. This communalism is not only directed against religious and other minorities but also against the Dalit sections of the society including Adivasis and women. This communalism is also used in fanning Brahmanism, national chauvinism, casteism and patriarchal mentality.

The religious minorities constitute 15 percent of the Indian population. They are victims of the discrimination, harassment and cruel oppression being perpetrated by the ruling classes through fanning Hindu communalism by even using their state machinery. The Hindu fascist gangs, quite often organize anti-minority pogroms in a systematic way in order to impose the communalistic concept of Hindutva. The main focus of these attacks has been the Muslims. The ruling classes have used Hindu Communalism as an effective tool to divide the toiling people on religious grounds. Hindu Communalism has emerged as an important ideological and political plank for the establishment of fascism in the country.

The party should oppose, expose and fight against the growing threat of these Hindu fundamentalist forces ideologically, politically and also fight against them at the local level by adopting all the appropriate means. At the same time we must also continue to expose the fundamentalism of other religions. But we must be clear that the real purpose of the chieftains of the Hindu fundamental forces is to divide and divert the people’s attention from their growing upsurges and thus blunt their class consciousness. Hence, the party must continue to focus its attention in advancing the actual class struggle, that is, the protracted people’s war, which will finally put an end to this threat.

24. About 8 % of India’s population consists of Adivasis or tribes. Their economy, social system and cultural characteristics are significantly different from those of the rest of the population. Most adivasis are in the process of developing as nationalities and the overwhelming majority of them are the most suppressed and repressed sections of the Indian society. Vast majority of the adivasis have long been deprived of their land and other traditional means of livelihood without providing any alternative. The forest produce and mineral resources, which were traditionally in their possession, are being forcibly taken away by the imperialists, the CBB, the feudal classes, contractors, money lenders and usurers, unscrupulous traders, bureaucrats, and other exploiters mainly from outside, resulting in the disintegration of their traditional economy. The mining, quarrying, other industrial activity and building up of big dams devastated lives and livelihoods of the adivasis. Moreover, they have been neglected socially, culturally and politically.

We would have to formulate such special policies through which we could involve actively the large majority of these sections in the mainstream of new democratic revolution. Particularly, it would remain the long-term need of the party to pay special attention to the adivasi areas due to utter negligence of these areas by the ruling classes and also because of their strategic importance. Along with this, we would have to make strong efforts to prepare soldiers and leaders of the revolution from among them, seeing the glorious tradition of the continuity of their anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggles.

It is our task to organise them on the basis of their political, economical, social, cultural, lingual and educational issues by ensuring them political autonomy. It is also our task to lead their struggles in such a way that they can achieve their complete emancipation in the truest sense of the term.

25. The semi-colonial semi-feudal character of Indian society determines that the Indian revolution would have to pass through two stages. The task of first stage is to change the semi –colonial, semi -feudal society into an independent new democratic society through the resolution of the two fundamental contradictions of the present Indian society, i.e. the contradiction of the Indian people with imperialism and the contradiction of the broad masses with feudalism. Again, in its continuity, the task of second stage is to establish the socialist system and continuing the revolution advancing towards communism on the world scale. The first stage is the pre-condition for the second stage. India will reach the socialist stage through the completion of democratic revolution.

Our social system determines the stage of our revolution. Our country is in the stage of democratic revolution whose axis and content is agrarian revolution. Since the proletarian class is in its leadership, therefore, it is not the democratic revolution of the old type, but it is the new type of democratic revolution, that is, new democratic revolution. This revolution is the part of world proletarian revolution, which has begun with the Great October Revolution of Russia. This revolution, on the one hand, opens the path for capitalism to some extent; on the other hand, it regulates it also and builds up the necessary conditions for socialism.

The targets of our revolution are imperialism, the comprador bureaucratic capitalism and feudalism. These three mountains are heavy weight on the back of our people. These three enemies have blocked the political, economic and cultural development of our country and our people. Therefore, the immediate basic programme before the political representatives of Indian proletariat and its vanguard-the communist party- is to overthrow the semi-colonial, semi-feudal rule of the big landlord-comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie classes, and imperialism that backs them, through armed struggle and to establish the people’s democratic state under the leadership of proletariat-the new democratic state; in place of it by smashing the reactionary autocratic state. This new democratic state will be the people’s democratic dictatorship exercised by the united front comprising the proletariat, peasantry, petty-bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie class under the leadership of the proletariat based upon the worker-peasant alliance. The state will guarantee real democracy for the vast majority of the people while exercising dictatorship over the tiny minority of the exploiters. The minimum programme of our party is to establish socialism by accomplishing the new democratic revolution and the ultimate programme is to establish communism on a world scale.

Since India is semi-colonial and semi-feudal, neither there is real independence nor there is democracy. Therefore, this new democratic revolution will bring national independence uprooting the imperialist slavery, exploitation and control, and will establish the people’s democracy uprooting the feudal autocracy. Actually, the struggle for national liberation uprooting imperialism and the struggle for democracy for uprooting feudalism i.e. the national and democratic tasks are closely integrated and intertwined with each other. Since feudalism is the prop of imperialism, the anti-feudal struggle is, at the same time, anti-imperialist struggle also. That does not mean that there is no need to build up anti-imperialist struggles separately. This revolution will establish a free, independent and developing new democratic economy in place of semi-colonial semi-feudal economy which will be the basis of socialist economy.

26. Today, the rotten, decaying, antidemocratic, anti-people, obnoxious semi-colonial and semi-feudal culture is dominating all the spheres of our life. Hatred for labour, patriarchy, superstition, autocracy, imperialist slavery, national chauvinism, communalism, casteism, blind greed, self-centredness, consumerist culture, and perverted sex-centered ideology and culture are being propagated and imposed on a vast scale by imperialists and their compradors through their propaganda machine. It also promotes feudal culture which is primarily the Brahminical caste-based culture of engrained superiority. It puts its stamp on nearly all aspects of social interaction and thinking, from approach to labour, women, oppressed castes, other communities, marriage norms, birth, death, language, and numerous caste symbols. Religious fanaticism and anti-scientific ideas are being inflammed vigorously. Along with this, revisionism, reformism and economism- all these ideas are being highlighted and propagated on a massive scale to counter and derail the revolutionary movements.

The party will have to expose all these imperialist and feudal ideologies and cultures and also have to fight against those relentlessly. It should bring forth the new democratic and socialist culture as an alternative to the people. The new democratic revolution will smash this imperialist and feudal ideology and culture and will establish the new democratic culture and at the same time will also hold high the banner of socialist ideology.

This ideology and culture will be guided by the great ideology of the proletariat, that is, Marxism-Leninism-maoism. This culture will express its international solidarity with the on-going revolutionary struggles for national liberation, democracy and socialism all over the world by uniting with them in their fight for people’s democratic and socialist culture. It will defeat all types of revisionist ideology and hold high the red banner of the most scientific and developed ideology of Marxism-Leninism-maoism.

27. In our country, parliamentary system was imposed by British imperialism from above. Moreover, bourgeois democratic revolution too has not been completed here. Hence no bourgeois democracy ever came into being here. Extreme backwardness, poverty and illiteracy along with uneven social, economic, and political conditions continue to exist. In this background, parliamentary system is an outright fraud framed in the deceptive name of ‘biggest democracy of the world’ whereas all the institutions like parliament, legislative assemblies, executive councils ( including the so-called panchayati raj) are a thin cover for the autocratic rule representing the dictatorship of comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and feudal classes subservient to imperialism.

Actually, no viable solution of the fundamental problems of the people can be sought through using any parliamentary institution. Besides this, the experience of last 55 years has amply confirmed the fact that whoever tried to participate in the elections in the name of tactics of using it, most of them got entrenched in the mire of parliamentary system and revisionism, sooner or later. Today, all the parliamentary institutions and parliamentary system itself, including all the parliamentary parties of the ruling classes, stand exposed before the people more than ever. Hence, any idea of exposing it by using it is itself an illusion.

In fact, the tactics of participation in the election in the name of using it is tantamount to abandoning the tasks of building and advancing the armed struggle. Reality is that without people’s political power everything is illusion. The people’s political power can be established and advanced only through the path of protracted people’s war. Parliamentary path and participation in the elections are completely incompatible with Protracted peoples war in the concrete conditions of India. Even the advancement of real people’s political consciousness is closely linked with it. More so, the accumulation of forces, including the development and Bolshevization of the party itself are inseparably linked with it. That is why the armed struggle is the ‘centre of gravity’ of the Party’s work as comrade Mao stated. In this overall context, the slogan of ‘Boycott Election’, though a question of tactics, acquires the significance of strategy in the concrete conditions of India. It is also correct to raise the slogan ‘Boycott Election is a Democratic Right’ on a mass scale.

28. India is a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country with uneven development. Its vast majority is peasantry and there are vast backward rural areas where the class contradictions are relatively sharp, where the democracy is actually absent and where the enemy and his state machinery are comparatively weak. Our class enemies-imperialism, comprador big bourgeoisie and feudalism-have built up their strong bases in big cities where their armed state machinery is very strong. In such a situation, the party of the proletariat has no other way but to take the path of protracted people’s war, just as in China, to advance the revolution towards victory i.e. to liberate the rural areas first and then having expanded the base areas-the centre of democratic power in rural areas- advance towards countrywide victory through encircling and capturing the cities.

It is only by building up the people’s liberation army as the armed power of the people, by expanding and developing the armed agrarian revoltuonary guerilla war, we can establish the guerilla zones and the base areas in strategically favourable areas. In those areas we have to arouse, organise and arm the vast peasant masses on the basic slogan of the agrarian revolution, ‘Land to the tillers and political power to the revolutionary people’s committees!’

For this it will be necessary to smash the state machinery and all other centres of power of the ruling classes thoroughly and build up the democratic power of the people based on worker-peasant alliance. In this way, our revolution will follow the path of the Chinese Revolution.

29. Due to the distinctive socio-economic development of our country, urban struggles are also very important, particularly those of the working class. Due to the phenomenal growth of public and private sector, service sector and various administrative departments after the transfer of power, there is a huge increase in the urban population, particularly the working class. Working class in the organised and unorganised sectors constitutes near about seven crores.

The Indian working class is one of the oldest among the underdeveloped backward countries. The industrial proletariat was born in India with the setting up of industries during the second half of the 19th century. It has a glorious history of struggles and rich experience of work in advanced scientific and organised industries. Moreover, their number has largely increased. Majority of them come from the peasantry and hence they have strong ties and influence on each other. They have rich experience in launching and leading many struggles, including All India strikes. Hence, they are a formidable strength, which can give serious blows to imperialism, feudalism and CBB.

However, because of the betrayal and conspiracies of the revisionist leadership the working class movement mainly continues to remain confined in the boundaries of economism, reformism and legalism. A small section in the working class comprising trade union bureaucrats, who also get bribes from the employers, has also emerged. Our party has to oppose, expose and fight out revisionism and the revisionist leadership along with various forms of economism and reformism; only then the fertile ground for implanting genuine revolutionary class consciousness among the workers can be laid and powerful working class movement can be built and advanced. The working class will exercise its leadership over the new democratic revolution through its party. It will play its leading role through building such a movement along with launching struggles on different domestic and international issues. It will also launch militant actions in solidarity and support of the revolutionary struggles of all the other oppressed classes, especially the peasant’s struggles and also by sending its class conscious advanced detachments to organise and advance the armed struggle of the peasantry in rural areas by joining the communist party leading this armed struggle .

Apart from the working class, a large section of this population of the urban poor and petty-bourgeoisie, such as, students, youth, intellectuals, artisans, small shopkeepers and vendors, professionals, middle class employees etc. are residing in the urban areas. Their number is also increasing. Students, youth and intellectuals have a rich tradition of struggle also.

The working class and its party would organize them in class struggle. We should build a strong anti-imperialist, anti-feudal movement in favour of agrarian revolution. All these movements would have to be oriented towards the agrarian revolution directly or indirectly, and co-ordinated with and complimentary in serving that struggle. The struggle should continue to advance by co-ordinating with the armed agrarian revolutionary war.

Since we have to capture the big cities, that is, the fortresses of the enemy, during the last phase of the New Democratic Revolution, Our party has to carry on target-oriented work in the cities from the very beginning. Only then we can achieve that victory. It means that, firstly, we have to build a vast and well-entrenched underground network of the party and also other mass organizations among the working class and other toiling sections of the people along with students and intellectuals. And we have to build up political movements. Secondly, we also have to build the needful net-work of the military organization secretly by avoiding decisive battles, thereby preserving our forces. Only through such a target-oriented work we can accumulate, strengthen and continue to consolidate our forces and, thereby, carry on political organizational and military preparations on a mass scale, in the due course of time. The most important aspect of our work in the big cities is that it should not be carried out in isolation and the principle of doing “everything for war” should be strictly kept in the forefront during all of our activities.

30. The peasantry is the main force in the democratic revolution carried out under the leadership of the proletariat. Relying on the landless poor peasants and agricultural workers, the working class will firmly unite with the middle peasants and win over a section of rich peasants while neutralizing the rest. It will be only a small section of the rich peasants that joins with the enemies of revolution. In our country, urban petty-bourgeoisie class and middle class revolutionary intellectuals are revolutionary forces and their vast majority will become the faithful ally of the revolution. Middle traders and the small and middle bourgeoisie, who are generally national bourgeoisie, are a vacillating and provisional ally of the revolution, accompany it to a certain extent, and at certain times.

To advance the democratic revolution till victory it is necessary to build a united front comprising all these classes i.e. the four-class united front-the working class, peasantry, petty bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie-under the leadership of working class based upon worker-peasant alliance. It should unite all the oppressed nationalities, persecuted religious minorities and other oppressed social sections in the course of advancing the armed struggle for the seizure of political power.

31. In India, the genuine revolutionary forces, representing the revolutionary ranks, continued their struggle against the opportunistic, erroneous and the revisionist lines and treachery of the dominant leadership of the CPI, and thereafter the CPI(M), from the very beginning. But during the late 50′s and 60′s, this struggle assumed a completely new dimension. The Great Debate against modern revisionism conducted by the CPC led by comrade Mao Tse-tung, marked this new beginning. So far as this Great Debate continued to intensify further and further and finally culminated in the earthshaking GPCR, so this struggle also continued to intensify further and further towards the breaking point. The beginning of the GPCR proved to be a new turning point in this process. Under the direct impact of this process, the forces representing the struggle against revisionism of the then leadership of the CPI, and then CPI(M), began to uphold and assimilate Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought, now Maoism, both in theory and, more particularly, in their revolutionary practice. Thereby, a large number of Maoist forces including the most outstanding and front-ranking leaders like comrade C.M. and K.C. emerged on the scene, condemning the 7th congress programme of CPI(M) as revisionist. The great Naxalbari revolt led by com. Charu Majumdar in May 1967, proved to be a clarion call of “spring thunder over India “. Thereafter, the history of the communist movement took a qualitatively new turn. Besides finally breaking from and greatly exposing revisionism, it marked the first conscious application of M-L-M and the seizure of political power through the shining path of the protracted people’s war, already illuminated by comrade Mao Tse-tung, in the Indian sub-continent also.

Although the movement suffered a temporary setback, it began to advance once again under the leadership of the CPI(ML) and the MCC, traversing through several ups and downs, taking lessons from the past, and bravely resisting the enemy repression. These two streams of the Maoist revolutionary forces continued the legacy of all that is revolutionary in the Indian communist movement by basing on a correct revolutionary line and waging a relentless struggle against revisionism of various hues.

The new Party—CPI (Maoist)—as the consolidated vanguard of the Indian proletariat, will lead the New Democratic Revolution in India to victory and persevere until the establishment of Socialism and Communism on a world scale.

32. To achieve victory in revolution, these are the three magic weapons which would have to be built and strengthened step by step from the very beginning.

(i) A strong revolutionary party based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as its guiding ideological basis in all matters; that is well-disciplined and built up through revolutionary style and method; that is based on democratic centralism; that links the theory with practice; practises criticism and self-criticism; is closely integrated with the masses and relies firmly upon them; and stands firmly on the class line, mass line and armed struggle.

(ii) A strong and well-disciplined people’s army under the leadership of such a party; primarily our people’s army will be built through the armed agrarian revolution mainly from among the landless poor peasants, agricultural labourers and the working class.

(iii) A united front of all revolutionary classes under the leadership of the proletariat based on worker-peasant alliance and on the general programme of people’s democratic revolution. This united front will be built in the course of advancing the armed struggle and for the seizure of political power through armed struggle.

33. The vanguard of the Indian proletarian class, the revolutionary communist party of India , CPI(Maoist), stands by proletarian internationalism. Revisionism, particularly right-wing opportunism, is the main danger for world proletarian revolution and international communist movement today. One could not move a single step towards revolution in any country without fighting and defeating it. Hence the Indian proletariat must fight against both Right and ‘Left’ opportunism in advancing the class struggle and the revolutionary war. The party, while drawing lessons from the past revolutions, and later, from the restoration of capitalism in Russia and China, must uphold the relevance of the most modern experiences of the GPCR particularly in the struggle against revisionism. Thus, it has to build unity with all the genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties, groups and forces in the world today. It also has to establish unity with the proletariat, oppressed nations and oppressed people of the whole world. By uniting with them and through the practice of learning from each other, it forms part of the global struggle to eliminate imperialism and counter revolutionary forces from the world.

34. The people’s democratic state will carry out the following tasks:-

(i) It will confiscate all the banks, business enterprises and companies of imperialist capital and abrogate all imperialist debt. It will nullify all unequal treaties and agreements with imperialist countries.

(ii) This state will confiscate all enterprises’ capital and movable and immovable properties of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie. On the basis of the principle of controlling capital the state will have to take over the authority and administration of all the monopoly industries and trade. The New Democratic state will not appropriate other personal properties and will not obstruct the development of capitalist production, which have no power to control the public life.

(iii) It will confiscate all land belonging to the landlords and religious institutions and will redistribute it among the landless poor peasants and agricultural labourers on the slogan of ‘land to the tillers’. It will ensure equal rights for women over land. It will cancel all debts of the middle peasants and other toiling people, along with these classes. It will ensure all facilities for the growth of agriculture; will ensure remunerative prices for agricultural products and encourage and promote the development of agricultural co-operatives wherever possible. Thus taking agriculture as the foundation, it will advance towards building strong industrial economy.

Along with this, it will put an end to the exploitation of usurers, traders and merchants, encourage the co-operatives to make available the necessary capital to the people and will take control upon the trade and business.

(iv)The state will ensure ecological balance and environmental norms while developing the industrial economy of the country.

(v) It will protect small industries, restrict and regulate medium industries, that is, the industry of national bourgeoisie class, help the growth of the cottage industries and handicrafts by developing co-operatives and will improve the conditions of handicrafts, workers and artisans.

(vi) It will put an end to all heavy taxes and various repayments, abolish the present tax system and will enforce a well-systematized, simple and progressive tax system.

(vii) This state will enforce the six-hour working day, increase wage rates, abolish the contract labour system and child labour, provide social security and safe working condition and will eliminate wage discrimination on the basis of gender by guaranteeing equal pay for equal work.

(viii) It will ensure the right to work as a fundamental right and will advance towards the elimination of unemployment. This state will enforce the unemployment allowance and social insurance and will ensure better living condition for the people.

(ix) By the distribution of land on the basis of land to the tiller and with the new power led by the landless and poor peasants (a large section of whom will be Dalits, adivasis, and other oppressed castes), it will initiate the process of eradication of the caste system. It will abolish caste discrimination and disparity and will move towards the complete elimination of untouchability and the caste system as a whole. Till then it will ensure special privileges including reservations for the upliftment of Dalits and all socially oppressed castes.

(x) It will move towards the abolition of all types of discrimination against women and will strive to end male domination and patriarchy. This state will liberate women from the confinement of domestic work and will ensure their participation in social production and other activities. The state will run public laundries, crèches and public kitchens. It will guarantee their equal rights in property. It will promote special policies for the speedy removal of inequalities suffered by women. It will ensure special privileges including reservations for the upliftment of women. It will rehabilitate the women engaged in prostitution and will provide them social recognition.

(xi) The state guarantees free education, nursing, health care, and security to all children. Also the state will strive to ensure that the children are reared in a democratic environment.

(xii) This state will ensure various forms of autonomy to all Adivasi communities for their full-fledged development and execute special policies accordingly.

(xiii) It will unite the country on the basis of equal dignity of the nationalities recognizing their right of self-determination, including the right to secession. It will establish a voluntary union of People’s Democratic Federal Republics of India.

(xiv) It will put an end to all social inequalities based on religion and to the persecution of religious minorities. It will execute special policies for their socio-economic development. It will ensure the genuine secularism of the state and will prevent the use of religion for political purposes. It will put an end to the interference of the state in religious affairs. It will guarantee personal freedom to believe and not to believe religion. This state will encourage a scientific and rationalist outlook to eradicate superstition and blind faith and will oppose all types of religious fundamentalism.

(xv) It will establish the revolutionary new democratic culture in place of the decadent feudal, colonial and imperialist culture, and on this basis, broadens the path of socialist culture. It will continue its march in the direction of realizing communist culture.

(xvi) It will abolish the present educational system and in its place it will introduce a scientific democratic and socialist mass educational system for all by linking it with production in accordance with the needs of democratic India.

(xvii) The state will give equal status to the languages of all the nationalities. It will help in the development of languages without scripts. It will not impose any language on other nationalities in the name of national language or link language or in any other form.

(xviii) It will move towards the elimination of the regional imbalances through special efforts to develop the backward regions. It will resolve amicably, the issues amongst the nationalities like sharing of river water, state borders etc.

(xix) The new state will establish people’s political power through revolutionary people’s committees, and people’s governing councils at all levels, according to and on the basis of a People’s Democratic Constitution. Every citizen reaching the age of 18 years, except the arch reactionaries, shall have the right to elect, to be elected and to recall the elected representatives at all levels. It will ensure democratic rights to all people, such as right to speech, to assemble, to association including the right to strike and demonstration. It will ensure this right of the masses in exercising their control over the state power and resist any attempt to belittle this right.

(xx) It will implement a just judicial process and system with the purpose of rectifying all on the basis of a progressive, democratic and people’s oriented outlook.

(xxi) It will arm the people for the country’s defence. It will re-settle the families of the martyrs and soldiers of the PLA according to their need and give them land.

(xxii) It will provide appropriate economic and social security and healthy socio-cultural environment to the physically handicapped, the mentally handicapped, the aged and orphans, eunuchs and all others suffering from disabilities. It will also introduce a mass oriented medical system that will ensure good health and free treatment for all, particularly for workers and peasants and other toiling people.

(xxiii) This state will try its best to peacefully and fairly settle border, water and other disputes with neighbouring countries and will develop friendly relations with them. This state will never exert any expansionist behaviour with the neighbouring countries.

(xxiv) This state will follow the five principles in its relation with the countries having different social systems-mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty; mutual non-aggression; non-interference in each other internal affairs; equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful co-existence.

(xxv) This People’s Democratic State will establish unity with the international proletariat and the oppressed nations of the world; opposes imperialist war and aggression, bullying, subversion and interference etc. It will support and help by all means the revolutionary struggles and revolutionary war, especially the ongoing struggles under the leadership of various Maoist revolutionary forces against capitalism, imperialism and reaction the world over. After the victory of the revolution new democratic, and later, socialist India will act as a Base in order to facilitate the victory of the world socialist revolution. It will closely integrate with the revolutionary and Maoist forces and their struggles in South Asia in particular, keeping in view the historical relations of India with the people of the sub-continent.

35. Our party is placing the programme of New Democratic Revolution of India before the people and dedicates itself to this great revolutionary cause. It sets to itself the task of achieving socialism. Our ultimate goal is communism. After the People’s Democratic Revolution, the production relations will be revolutionized step by step, in the process of removing the class distinction between exploiter and the exploited. It will continue the efforts to eradicate Brahminical ideology, caste oppression and discrimination by promoting a scientific socialistic outlook. It will continue to move forward by continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat and thereby continue to consolidate the socialist society as a strong base area for the world proletarian revolution. This socialist state will be the dictatorship of the proletariat, which will guarantee democracy for the vast majority of the people while exercising dictatorship on the handful of the exploiters. There will be classes, class contradictions and class struggles even in socialist society, in accordance with the principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism of uninterruptedly continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. It will continue to advance the proletarian cultural revolution and through it fight and defeat every attempt by imperialism, modern revisionism and capitalist roaders to restore capitalism. Through this process, it will continue the struggle against any deformities introduced in the socialist system especially against bureaucracy and, thereby, continue to ensure that people participate in the state and are not alienated from either socialist state or the proletarian party. It will have to creatively eliminate the remaining inequalities and solve the contradictions that exist within socialist society and, in the process, move towards the elimination of class society and, thereby, the withering away of the state, i.e. towards communism on a world scale.

This party pledges to fulfill its duty of putting an end to the endless misery and suffering of crores of our beloved people by completing the people’s democratic revolution. It further pledges to follow class line and mass line in every respect and be ever vigilant towards the conspiracies and nefarious intrigues of the imperialists and modern revisionists and march forward to ultimately abolish exploitation and oppression by continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat and marching forward to socialism and then communism on a world scale.


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CPI (MAOIST) RESOLUTIONS OF CRB SECOND MEETING

Posted by Indian Vanguard on November 8, 2007


February – 2005

3. In Andhra Pradesh the temporary freedom is changed and oppression is becoming severe. By now 30 cadres became martyrs in the encounters in the state. In this summer, the enemy would step up the oppression. On the other side, our resistance is weak. Though our peoples base and recruitment relatively increased, though we have made noticeable political impact on the people, we did not get results in our resistance. In our forces, new recruits are in good proportion. There is a need to train these people politically and militarily. In this condition, with the growing losses, there is possibility that these new forces that joined the party may get demoralised. The situation of disappointment of people is arising. In this stage, there is a need to concentrate on the resistance and damage the enemy. By protecting our forces, we should organise the people and concentrate on resisting the enemy.

For this, we have to adopt the following strategy:

  1. (To A.Cs) Our squads should move in wide geographical areas.
  2. ( ) In strategical areas, there should two LGSs and one SGS in a platoon formation under the A.C. committee in the A.C. area. These formations should be headed by an A.C.M. The entire platoon will be led by the A.C. As a part of the centralization and decentralization, this platoon will undertake organising people and resist the enemy.
  3. (DC to PM & DCMs to concerned AC) There should be District Committee Formations.
  4. (DC) Party work should be organised by sending 1 + 2 Squads in the plains and by sending PRs in the towns. When they are unable to move because of oppression, they should take the shelter of platoon. In plain areas, S.G.Ss should be formed with at least five members. They should continuously organise attacks in the plains.
  5. If we have the availability of our forces, we should form separate combat platoons.
  6. (Only SC/SZC/DC/DVC): For political and other single actions we should form SAT (Special Actions Teams) at the district and state level.
  7. (Related topics to the concerned SZCs, DC/DVCs) Spread to the selected areas in the central region.
  8. With a view to organize people under the conditions of oppression, there should be self protection, secret organization, clandestine operations under different covers and in different forms. In order to establish lively relations with the people, class organisations should made to work by strengthening them.
  9. Unified action forum should be formed from village level to state level and they should be unified.
  10. The intelligence network of the enemy should be identified and it should be neutralised with the support of people. The covert strategy of the enemy should be neutralised. All the methods decided for the recruitment should be followed. Ex-naxalites who surrendered to police should not be recruited. Keeping the covert strategy of the enemy in view, the new recruits should be screened.
  11. (DCs and ACs) By following the Guerrilla war strategies, our forces should work in Centralisation and Decentralisation method. Depending on the local terrain and the oppression of the enemy and by keeping in view the changing political situation, D.C and A.Cs should take initiative and centralise forces under their area. As a part of this, when conditions are not favourable, they should shift the forces from plain areas where there is no protection to tactical areas. When the enemy takes up oppression campaign, DVC, A.Cs as part of self protection strategy, should utilize the weaknesses of enemy and damage them. The District and Divisional committees should take up TCOC.
  12. The general principle of Guerilla warfare is that the enemy should be damaged in his weak positions. While concentrating on small attacks on the weak points of enemy, plans for big attacks should be done. By coordinating the small and big attacks on the enemy, we can progress the guerilla warfare in the present conditions.
  13. (Up to DC, SC/SZC): There is a need of temporary migration to the neighbouring tactical areas to protect the forces
  14. In this situation where in we are losing our leaders and cadres, for the sake of protection, A.P.S.C., N.T.S.Z.C should strategically shift our forces from N.T.A.P. to tactical areas.
  15. There should be coordination between the three zones of A.P. All formulated systems should be implemented. Required information should be communicated at the earliest. Should effectively organise programmes on the problems of people with proper coordination.
  16. (SZC) C.R.B will coordinate the border zones of Central Region. Apart from this, for the local coordination, under the guidance of concerned SZCMs, A.C., D.Cs of both the sides should form suitable systems and mechanisms.
  17. (RB, SC/SZC ) Joint programs should be organised by following the decisions of C.R.B, C.M.C to nullify the attacks of enemy and to achieve the strategic goals.

A separate circular is prepared on the situation of A.P.

5. ( ) Regarding the formation of district Janatana Sarkars.

In accordance with the decisions made at the extensive meeting (2004) of DKSZC, one A.R.P.C is formed in South Basthar and Maad. Concerned S.Z.Cs and D.V.Cs are of the opinion to form one A.R.P.C in each of North Basthar, West Basthar, South Basthar and Maad divisions in the coming 8 to 9 months. In this backdrop, C.R.B has discussed in detail, the formation of Janathana Sarkaars and extending guidance that is applicable to all zones.

1. Based on the RPCs of 300-500 villages or else based on at least 3 ARPCs, District Janatana Sarkars should be formed. This should be taken as the general base for the formation of District Janatana Sarkars.

We cannot implement the Peoples state power in true sense if we form District Janathana Sarkars based on the existing A.P.R.P.Cs by formally unifying them. Hence, by unifying A.R.P.Cs on one hand, (by involving people extensively in the political field, conducting agricultural revolution,

spreading of peoples army and strengthening it, strengthening the peoples base, spreading and strengthening the communist party, training people and A.R.P.Cs on the management of state power) the basis for the formation of district Janatana Sarkaars should be prepared.

2. In the areas chosen for the formation of District Janatana Sarkaars (immediately South Basthar, Maad), militia should harass the police and Para military forces, centralise the guerilla forces with MFs as their centers, cause loss to the enemy, annihilate the enemy and neutralise the fighting capability of the enemy or else drive away the enemy from the area. Without causing losses and neutralising the fighting capabilities of Para military forces, there cannot be any basis for the formation of District Janatana Sarkaars. Therefore, to stop the attacks of enemy on A.R.P.Cs and to consolidate A.R.P.Cs, thereby to lay foundation for the formation of District Janatana Sarkars, Companies should be formed. By forming companies and by organising annihilatory attacks on the enemy, the power of the enemy is damaged to that extent. The destruction of the power of enemy is based on the extent of organising and political awareness of the people to take over the power and also based on the extent of damage done to the military power of the enemy. Based on these, a basis would form for the establishment of peoples state power. Therefore in the areas where the formation of Janatana Sarkaars are planned, concentration should be on destroying the military power of the enemy.

3. Peoples Militia should be strengthened, extended and the fighting capability should be increased.

4. As a precondition to the formation of District Janathana Sarkaars, peoples unions should be formed at the district level and they should be made to work effectively. Youth associations should be formed. Efforts should be made to form unions in other fields. Efforts should be made to unify all the oppressed classes and sections in the peoples unions. In the district committees of peoples unions, party comrades of AC and DC should be present and they should make the unions work effectively.

5. With a view to protect the District Janathana Sarkaars and also to unify and widen them, strategic joint action forums should be formed at Zonal, Divisional level in different forms and different levels.

6. The DVCs involved in the formation of District Janathana Sarkaars should be strengthened by number and by efficiency.

7. The district president of the District Janathana Sarkaars should invariably a S.Z.C.M or at least a D.V.C.M for their effective running.

8. In the District Janathana Sarkaar, apart from the representatives of area Janathana Sarkaars, representatives from the party divisional committee, divisional military command, company, district peoples unions should be taken.

9. A sub-committee should be formed from S.Z.C to unify, coordinate R.P.Cs and Peoples Unions and for their effective functioning.

To guide the District Janathana Sarkaars, instead of forming a separate committee like GBPC, Divisional Committees should be strengthened to guide all the fields in the District Committee (Mass work, organs of peoples power, military field, economy, joint action, cultural field etc.,) and under guidance of the divisional committees, proletariat should lead the District Janathana Sarkaars.

Peoples state power formed at any level should be organized and widened. To resist the attacks of enemy to destroy peoples state power at different levels, people should be motivated and organized politically and made to operate actively against the government in more number of forms. Then only, we will be able to form peoples state power on one hand and on the other we will destroy the power of the enemy. In the light of this understanding, efforts should be made for the formation of District Janathana Sarkaars by guiding the area R.P.Cs.

B. With a view to strengthen the strategic goals and to increase the armed power of our military forces, concentration should be done on the following activities:

    • In the resistance campaigns taken up in the C.R.B area, to the extent possible, the strategy of seizing weapons by annihilating enemy should be implemented.
    • With a view to make the Ts and JOPs taken up in the Central Region a success, the leadership while participating directly and indirectly, should prepare specific plans and concentrate to implement them.
    • P&P targets should be decided and hit as per plan.
    • Three forces of the PLGA should be coordinated and actions should be successful.
    • The weaknesses in eradicating the enemy and seizing the weapons should be overcome. Large number of people should be organized politically to counter the multi faceted fascist attack of the enemy. They should be organized in class wars. The attack of enemy should be strongly repulsed by the participation of oppressed people and people of various sections.

7. Resolution Regarding Diversification:

(A) (For A.O.B.S.Z.C) Contiguity should be achieved in the A.O.B zone as felt by the S.Z.C. and thereby solve the coordination problem of SZC. For this, with a goal to form x division, should spread there. This has to be formed as soon as possible and this should be strengthened as per the strategic goals.

  • One DVCM along with ACM and P.Rs should be allotted from the forces sent from A.P.
  • Division should be strengthened by allotting forces from Zone.
  • As felt by SZC, east division should be divided into two. It should be spread to the extent of possibility of achieving organizational contiguity.
  • To give continuity towards first zone ( N.T), spread towards tamarind – tree – area (probably Chintur forest area) through a task.

10. (For A.O.B.S.Z.C) As per the resolution of CC(P), AOB SZCM Suman should be transferred for the needs of Orissa organization perspective. Basadara division, leadership, cadre should be given.

(For A.O.B. P.B): For the organizational contiguity of A.O.B zone, for the needs of diversification, Com. Sabitha, Bhaskar or Orissa part should be retained in A.O.B only. In the adjoining areas of zone, in urban and suburban areas of A.P. and Orissa, should organise by allotting some forces.

11. Resolution on Talks with Govt. of A.P. ( For Party Members)

In Andhra Pradesh talks were held in between Congress government and our party, i.e., APSC, NTSZC and AOBSZC during the month of October 2004. In the revolutionary history of our country, it is the first time that talks were held in between revolutionaries and exploitative ruling classes by declaring cease fire. This cease fire started on June 16th, 2004 and continued for a period of six months till 16th December 2004.

In the first week of January 2005, after a gap of eight months, exchanges of fire and fake encounters started in between our forces and the police. By the second week, our party leadership announced that there is no alternative but the withdrawal from talks because of the cruel oppression of the police. Party gave call to all party cadres, PLGA fighters and people of Andhra Pradesh to intensify the peoples’ war against the ruling classes and their specially trained oppressive forces. It is important to codify the positive and negative issues and to take some lessons from these talks and to formulate directive principles to conduct such wars in the future political scenario.

The Congress Government which came into power during the May 2004 by promising to conduct talks with naxalites and not to indulge in fake encounters has no other alternative but to conduct talks with our party and other revolutionary organisations in the state. The immense pressure mounted for the past few years by different sections of people and various democratic institutions and persons to end the cruel state oppression and to hold talks is the reason behind holding talks.

Initially Congress government tried not to declare ceasefire by showing some reason. It announced that police would stop combing operations and encounters and will maintain restraint. As our party leadership put strong demand for the ceasefire, at least government had to agree from 3 months ceasefire from June 16th, which was extended by three months i.e., up to 16th September.

But, it brought pressure to add seventh clause in the ceasefire pre-conditions stating that our armed squads should limit to forest and should not enter into the villages. Our party organised people and various organisations and moulded the public opinion in favour of unconditional talks. With this demand, organised a huge rally on 30th September. When it became clear that talks would not take place without withdrawing that clause, government withdrew and it had to agree for talks.

In holding talks with the government, our leadership in Andhra Pradesh has followed the guidelines issued in the circular of the Polit Bureau on talks and the guidelines found in the erstwhile CPI(ML)Peoples war CC resolution of 2002.

The circulars issued by AP, NT, AOB state committees and PB in May – June of 2004 have analysed the post election situation of AP. The party has explained the duties as per the existing situation and formulated the guidelines for the talks.

The talks with government held by our party helped in identifying that the government is an agent of bourgeois, feudal class under the support of imperialism which would not solve even a single problem of the people and the only way is to destroy this state and these classes through peoples’ war and by establishing a new democratic state and society. Our party representatives by holding talks directly during the talks period have proved that Maoist revolutionaries will not only fight in war field with guns but also can do political war by entering the enemy’s camp. We could concentrate on three important political slogans i.e., democracy for the people, self-reliance and distribution of land. By August, these came forward strongly. In the rally held on 30th September, these received wide publicity.

Our representative team could directly speak to workers, farmers, women, students, intellectuals, SC, ST, BC, Minorities and other sections. Our role in the talks had a positive impact on all these sections.

Our war in the political field and in the field of talks could secure political and organisational benefit to the party. Due to limitations of our forces and due to loss of leadership in the protracted oppression from 1991, we cold not utilise the ceasefire situation to the fullest extent.

Political Organisational Utility:

Our party benefited politically as we could utilise the situation prevailed during the talks as per a plan. State was shook by peoples political equations and made the ruling classes shiver. At last, the ruling class had to impose sanctions. The public meeting of 16th November was the last meeting. That also was held under many restrictions.

During this period, our party politics were widely spread among the people. Due to our principled attitude, we could win many organisations, democrats and mediators in the state. People who are in severe turmoil and searching for alternative, found our party as the only efficient political force to solve their problems. The strategies followed by us have brought the party on the political center stage of the state.

We have exposed the government in our first round of talks. The government, unable to answer the demands raised by our representatives, fell in political self defense which was more exposed in the anti people policies of imposing restrictions on public meetings and rallies, stressing on leaving weapons as a precondition for talks, starting combing operations from the end of November, ultimately by starting fake encounters from the first week of January 2005.

Due to this, crisis with in Congress and also between the partners Congress and TRS deepened. Likewise, differences between the ruling party and other opposition parties widened on the issues of talks and ceasefire. Now, there is more legality in the view of people for the armed agricultural revolutionary war politics.

During this period, we could develop our peoples base to some extent. We could spread into the people widely. We could organise our forces. We could increase our recruitment. We could take care against the covert agents. We could train cadre politically and militarily by conducting military camps at the district and area level. We could form party cells. We have formed peoples union units and village militia units. Physical conditions prevailed for the formation of joint action committees from the lower level to the state level wherever possible. During this period, we have spread our areas of operations in the state. By adopting proper political tactics if we utilise the present situation, we can create more conducive atmosphere to advance peoples’ war.

Enemy also utilised the situation of talks period. Prepared the action plan for the cease fire tactics by undertaking village development programmes. Tried to divert the youth from joining PLGA by providing self employment opportunities and also by providing sports and gymnastics etc., tried to form informer section by luring. During this period, enemy entered in many of our villages by tri point scheme. As the situation was advantageous to us on the whole, right from the beginning, he tried to start attacks by leaving the talks.

Shortcomings and Weaknesses:

Viewing on the negative side, in one section of party cadre and leadership, some legalist tendencies arose. They concentrated more on organising legal meetings and rallies instead of diverting people to militant struggles on political demands.

We expected that the enemy attack may start December onwards. That is why we have decided to be careful in preparing our forces to face the enemy attacks, regarding the movements of our squads, coordination with legal peoples unions, publicity in press. However, many weaknesses crept in. Mistakes occurred in our legalism in journey, technical mistakes, meetings of peoples union leaders, transport of weapons and other equipment, maintenance of dumps etc., We have used cell phones indiscriminately. We have written our military plans, recruitment and resolutions on various organisational matters etc., without using any code. Due to our failure in taking proper care, they fell in the hands of police. We committed technical mistakes while giving interviews. Some Comrades in the leadership at various levels also committed this mistake. We have planted landmines in many districts and made preparations to face the oncoming enemy attack. But, the police forces, which took unearthing of landmines as a campaign from the end of November, have removed them. We have decided to attack the enemy forces that venture into the interior places for combing operations and as per this decision; we have laid our first ambush in the AOB during the mid December. Enemy stopped combing operations and he could remove many of the landmines. To launch the attack after removing the landmines is the plan of the enemy.

We have not completed our necessary military preparations by the time enemy started attack in the month of January, 2005. We have assessed that by mid December by the end of ceasefire, the enemy may launch attack. Though we planned to be ready to face the attack, this lapse occurred. In some districts, military equipment was not ready. Reccee was not conducted.

The political miscalculation that the government may not start attack till the mid February,2005 is one of the reason for this. The government’s announcement that police would maintain restraint for additional two months after the ceasefire date, gave scope for this miscalculation. Our weaknesses in countering the enemy attacks did not rise suddenly during the talks period. Weaknesses existed for a long time. By utilising these, enemy could cause loss to some extent by indulging in fake encounters. Our counter attacks are weak. If we fail to launch effective attacks and cause substantive loss to enemy, in the coming time it would be difficult to retain and organise our successes. In the event of ineffective resistance, our new recruits may get demoralised and surrenders may increase. To avoid losses, we should prepare specific plans to retreat our forces in considerable number from the plains and semi forest areas of Andhra Pradesh and NT. At the same time, we should conduct resistance actions. While taking all the precautions to protect our forces, we should launch tactical counter attacks with the remaining forces.

As there is possibility that the ruling classes may come out of talks and launch attacks at any time, we should exercise utmost care – that is the important lesson that we should take from talks. In the event of enemy withdrawing from talks or even if we withdraw due to unfavourable conditions, we should be ready to hit the enemy effectively.

To say briefly, it is a good example of political interference of revolutionaries in pressurizing the Government of Andhra Pradesh to announce ceasefire and drawing them to hold talks. Though there are some shortcomings and mistakes, political initiative is the important issue. During this period our party received more publicity, legality and acceptability. We have gathered the people in large number by utilising the situation of ceasefire. We have daringly kept our revolutionary politics before the people. But, there is wide gap between the political impact of the party and its strength.

There is pressure from various institutions and from within the ruling class to shun fake encounters, to stop combing operations and to hold talks. Crisis intensified in the ruling classes also. By motivating and by planned political interference and by utilising this crisis, Peoples’ war should be intensified. Thus the crisis among the ruling classes should be intensified.

We can march ahead in many fields if we utilise the present favourable condition. By utilising the positive attitude of various democratic organisations and individuals; and their growing faith, we have good opportunity of building joint action.

Therefore we should utilise the present situation to involve the people in solidarity to the militant political struggles against imperialist globalisation, against state violence, against the fascist forces. We should try to develop the war between police and PLGA as a war between the oppressive forces of ruling classes and the wide public under the leadership of PLGA . We should utilise this situation to strengthen our gains and to strengthen our party and PLGA and also to establish revolutionary peoples power organs in the rural areas.

13. Resolution on Regional Committees ( /- )

Regional committees may be formed in the states and zones falling in the limits of CRB, as per our party regulations. In the past, we have formed sub zonal bureaus with SZCMs in three zones except in Andhra Pradesh, which yielded positive results. There is no need of sub zonal bureaus where there are regional committees. However, if we are not in a position to form RCs, we may continue sub zonal bureaus.

When coordination is must at the regional level, where there is specific need and conditions at regional level, when there is sufficient leadership in the rank of DC and DVC and there is need of training to promote them to SZC and SC, there is need of one layer between the SC and SZC. Thus, the next rank leadership capable of leading at the state level can be formed. With this understanding, by discussing in the SC and SZC, such formations may be taken up in the coming time.

14. On L.G.S. formations: (Upto D.C./D.V.C, Where these changes pointed out by R.B to be made, this should be made known to the D.C or DVC, concerned A.C)

LGSs are providing protection to our party area committees. Their strength is not same in all zones (they are in 3-9 strength). The strength is being decided on the terrain, status of enemy, public base, our armed strength, militia formations, strength of peoples unions etc., in those zones and divisions in those zones. This is proper. The strength of the LGS members should be decided by keeping the above conditions in those areas (divisions, areas) in view and by following the general direction to form one peoples militia and SGS in each AC area.

Where the strength of LGS is five, seven, nine, there are some problems for the commander in performing his duties, as he has to attend to the mass work of that area. Therefore, where there is possibility, if a separate commander is appointed, there will be feasibility in the work of ACMs attending the mass work. There is no need of any rule that the commander should be a comrade of ACM level. Senior party members who are daring, having initiative, capable of commanding the dalam (to LGS party members in NT) may be given the post and developed. As there will be ACMs in the dalam, they can look after the political responsibilities.

If there are more than one ACM in a LGS, depending on their work division, it should be decided whether they would remain in the area independently to perform their work or whether they would stay together; after giving due importance to the security of the concerned DC, DVC, ACs under the guidance of ACM/SZCM. They should depend more on the militia and workers of peoples unions for their security. Likewise, if a command is formed in the AC area, the ACMs would plan their programmes along with the command inchrages, accordingly, secondary forces, base forces should be coordinated to take the security responsibilities of ACMs. ACMS should continue their movements secretly. ACs should make the militia understand. In expanding the organisation and the combat forces, the strength of LGSs and weapons should not be reduced and the security should not be weakened.

15. Jan Militia Squad( )

(A) The C.R.B, which discussed the experience of P.L.G.A in Bihar – Jharkhand area, has decided that Jan Militia Squads should be formed as part of the base forces. 1 – 4 Jan Militia Squads should be formed in one A.C. area.

They should operate in the area of 20-25 villages. In one unit, there should be 5,7,9 members. They can be formed fully with P.Rs and F.Ts. However keeping in view the higher formations in D.K, now there should be at least two full timers in these. Commander should be a P.R. During the harvesting season and for other family needs, the members may go to their houses. These units partially participate in production. Therefore, these forces should be considered as base forces. These units will provide protection to ACM/LGSs. They continuously participate in actions resisting the enemy. These units should be developed by making them to function with a view to develop them into SGSs and as a resource for recruitment to the secondary and main force of PLGA.

Jan Militia squads should be formed with selected forces of 5-7 to harass and cause loss to enemy and to annihilate if possible, near crucial river points, roads, at Police Stations / Camps and thus limit their movements.

As Jan Militia squads are being formed newly, in some areas where there are no efficient commanders from the local militia (GRD,PRD), senior PM with required efficiency from LGS or CGS may be appointed as the commander. Especially for the formation of Jan Militia squads around the rivers, roads, near Police Stations / Camps, the commanders should be picked up from LGS and SGS.

(B) As decided by the D.K. secretariat, Militia may be formed in the Platoon formation in G.B. areas. In the areas where R.P.Cs are existing, there are 3-5 militia units. Outs this, one is PRD while the remaining are GRDs. As each unit has 7 to 11 members, there are 21 to 45 militia members in each local R.P.C. All these are jointly participating in the resistance attacks against the enemy and also in providing security to the meetings held by the party and peoples unions. Though they are in different units as per their formation, in practice, they are acting as one formation during the attacks. In these conditions, to use militia as powerful tool in resisting the enemy and the need to have platoon formation in the militia has arisen in GB areas. In Guerilla Zone area, leadership capable of running platoon level formation did not form till now. Hence, G.B. areas, by merging Militia units in the RPC area, Platoon formation may be done. In areas where platoon formation is done, they should be suitably armed and trained to fight war. Depending on situation, this platoon undertakes attacks in centralization and decentralization methods. During the times of attacks, while protecting meeting places, during training, this unit remains in one formation and in remaining times, this formation works at section level in their respective villages.

17. Joint Action, Peoples Unions sub committee (For APSC, NT, AOB, SZCS)

A sub committee should be formed to coordinate joint action activities, peoples unions and movements in three zones of A.P. This sub committee should be under the guidance of C.C. Each zone should allot one SZCM/SCM for this sub committee.

For the time being, APSC, AOBSZC will allot members. NTSZC would try to allot one SZCM with in a year.

This sub committee will meet once in six months. A special body would be formed with DCMs of three zones. Though this, it will guide the FCs of Peoples unions. Each of the sub committee members should guide 2 FCs through one of the members of the above special body. Guidelines for this should be prepared.

18. Separate Telangana (For APSC, NT, AOB, SZCs)

NTSZC, APSC should take a specific programme on separate Telangana. To prepare this programme, the concept found in the document of 1997 on separate democratic Telangana and the guidelines of former CPI ML Peoples War CC should be taken as the basis. The old union that was formed with this demand is exposed and because of the oppression of the enemy, became defunct. Therefore, a new organisation should be formed and precautions should be taken to see that it is not exposed to enemy. This organization should be formed as a wide forum based on democratic programme with a demand self reliant Telangana.

Apart from building an independent organization, effort should be made to form a joint action movement by unifying all the forces that have taken up struggle for separate state. Opportunism of Telangana should be exposed. Efforts should be made to organise the democratic forces present in Telangana for a militant struggle. For the necessary arrangements, sufficient time may be taken. NTSZC, APSC should immediately coordinate and allot necessary forces.

19. Killing of Informers, Burning of Buses ( Up to A.Cs)

During the January of this year, when Police started their cruel attacks and fake encounters in A.P., in some districts bus burning incidents, destruction of properties and many murders of informers took place. The former Peoples War CC had reviewed the defects in the killing of base people on the suspicion of informers. We should keep in mind that our actions should not be detrimental to the interests of people. If buses are burnt, government stops buses to the interior villages, which causes severe inconvenience to the rural people. This will lead to disaffection and opposition towards our party and movement. Hence, the defects in these should be rectified.

In fact, in the past two months, our resistance to the police attack is very weak. In the state, our squads killed about 45 informers. Police did not loose anything. Their cruel attack is continuing without any stop. Our actions against the informers, our bus burnings, our destruction of property is not showing any impact on the morale of our enemy. We can create a political impact in the state and also instill confidence in our cadres only by attacking police officers and top political leaders and cruel officers. We should concentrate on attacking serious targets. We should stop burning buses. We should concentrate our attacks on Police personnel who are cultivating informers and thus cause huge loss to police. Thus, we can weaken the informer network. By concentrating on police on one side, informers should be punished as per the class and people approach. Concentration should be on imperialist, CBB decided and on identified Government properties.

20. Sending of cadres to DK and AOB from NT and AP (Up to APSC, NTSZCs)

The former Peoples war ninth congress had explained the dialectic relation between the strategical areas and other areas. It stressed the need to send all types of cadres to strategic areas from semi forest, plain, town areas. It gave call to form liberation zones in DK and AOB. As per this, we are sending cadre from NT to DK and from AP to AOB.

Apart from this, in view of severe attacks of enemy, we have identified the need of transferring cadre from NT and AP as part of our retreat. In the past four years after the IX congress, we should review whether any mistakes took place in transferring the cadre from these two zones under severe state repression. In these two states, we should impart necessary training to all the party cadres and enlighten them. They should be made ready to retreat to DK and AOB when the situation worsens. Likewise, the cadre should be made to be prepared for transfer to strategic areas on the call of leadership.

21. One News Magazine for three zones (For APSC, NT, AOB and SZCs)

Presently, there are separate official news magazines for APSC, NTSZC and AOB. Due to this, translation and repetition of writing essays is occurring and energy is being wasted. With a view to save the resources, it would be better if one news magazine is brought out for the three zones together.

Presently, this magazine comes out once in three months. The responsibilities of this magazine should be taken up by Comrade S.V and by one each from A.P and AOB. The completed magazine would be sent to the remaining two zones in print media and also in e-format. In those zones, other necessary combat and other activity reports may be added and published. Necessary arrangements should be made to send reports and essays to APSC in time. As ‘Kranthi’ name became popular in the past three decades, it may be retained.

22. On Party Cadre Nursing (For D.Cs)

To develop the movement with high goals, cadre nursing should be made an important duty. By forming strong peoples movements, cadres should be developed from Peoples Unions and Peoples Militia. Local leadership should be developed as per specific plan. As part of this, the following issues should be kept in view:

  1. Our effort should be to maintain continuity of leadership to the movement for the development of movement and its spread. All the committees should have the goal of developing leadership cadre into every level.
  2. There should be concentration on developing leadership from the base people (Class Leadership)
  3. Core leadership should be developed in all levels by collective work. They should be encouraged to express their opinions freely and decisions should be taken collectively. Should cooperate for the implementation with personal responsibility.
  4. The approach should be to correct the negatives of the cadres based on their positives. How much is understood should be the measure rather than how much is told to the cadres. The leadership should be responsible for the portion that is not understood.

In the party, people from agriculture, tribes, and women sections are the highest. This is a positive point. Planned effort should be done for their development. With a view to develop the movement further, with a view to develop the required leadership cadre, planned effort should be done by discussing in the SZC / SCs.

23. (For CRB, AOB, AP Committees)

Comrade Ganganna who was allotted to SCOPE work should continue there contrary to the decision made by concerned CCMs to send him to AOB. CRB decides that in his place another DCM should be sent to AOB from AP Committee.

24. (For NT, AOB, AP Committees)

As per the resolution of teaching S&T, MLM documents to State Committees, classes have been completed in DK. CRB passes resolution stating that it should be completed in the remaining 3 states also.

28.*(To concerned SZCs)

By the end of this year, CRB x should be formed in z area. To form foundation for this from now itself, two LGSs should be posted in this area. This duty should be taken up by S3 committee.

One Staff (type) Comrade each from NT, AOB and one commander and 5 members each from NT and DK, three dalam members from AOB should be provided by August 2005.

30. CRB duties in the coming two years (For Party Members)

  1. The multi faceted fascist attack of enemy should be defeated by strongly depending on the people and by collecting primary, secondary and base forces under PLGA. In the armed revolutionary people’s war and in repulsing the enemy armed and anti revolutionary attacks, the role of people should be increased.
  2. Generate a flood of Militant political struggles of people. People should be organized on various problems and in support of people’s war, against the repression campaign of enemy. The war should be converted into a great war between the people and state.
  3. By recruiting PRs and by training them in ideological, political, military aspects, the party, peoples army, revolutionary peoples unions should be unified and strengthened. Special interest should be taken to build specific secret party machinery. Party committee organisation should be strengthened.
  4. In the wide rural area, among the farmers, women and youth, secret peoples unions should be organized. They should be brought together through class wars.

  5. G.B. areas should be developed with time bound goals and with an aim to setup base areas. With special concentration on GB areas, Guerilla war should be made severe in Guerilla Zones. War should be extended to the neighbouring areas as per a plan. Revolutionary peoples empowerment organs should be established at various levels.
  6. PLGA forces should be given necessary military training. Command setup should be built at various levels. State Military Commissions should be formed. The armed resistance of Militia units should be increased by increasing their strength and by arming them with the traditional weapons. PLGA forces should be given more fire power.
  7. By utilizing the inconsistencies among the ruling classes, the people’s war should be intensified. By intensifying the people’s war, by enthusiasm, according to a plan, by political interference, the internal crisis of ruling classes should be intensified.
  8. Against the common enemies, by bringing various oppressed sections, women, oppressed castes, tribes, harassed religious minorities, national bourgeois class and other democratic forces in to struggles, a strong strategic joint action forum should be formed at the state level.
  9. To facilitate the deployment of guerilla forces, new centers should be spread as per plan. For contiguity, the gaps in the different organisational areas should be filled.
  10. To fulfill the immediate goal of forming base areas and PLA, cadre should be sent to strategic areas from NT and AP. As per plan, some forces should retreat to strategic areas from plains and from semi forest areas. Should ensure that there are no unnecessary losses.
  11. Forces should be allotted to work in labour class and in other oppressed sections in town areas. Leadership committees should bestow special interest to work as per plan in the town areas.

C.M.C. RESOLUTIONS

March, 2005

Our assessment of enemy future plans, political and military aims to suppress the movement

After the formation of new Communist Party of India (Maoist), central government convened a meeting of DGPs in Delhi. This meeting assessed that the left wing extremism has become a serious breach to the internal security. Earlier, ethnic movements were considered to be the first dangers. Leftwing extremism used to be in the second place. But, in the meeting held in December, 2004 it is assessed that the left wing extremism is equated with the gravity of cross border terrorism. Based on this new assessment, UPA has altered the strategic plans of former NDA government. It has intensified attacks to suppress our movement.

The union government assessed that Naxalites are active in 125 districts of 13 states and they are soon spreading to 25 districts more.

Important aspects of Central Government plan:

It is decided to deploy Para military forces coupled with intelligence in naxal affected areas on permanent basis to suppress Naxalism. Already 25 Battalions of Para Military forces are deployed in Naxal affected areas of the country. It is decided to raise additional 66 Battalions by 2006, and to send them to Naxal affected areas. Plans were there to raise separate Para military force to suppress Naxalite movement and to deploy these forces in the affected areas on permanent basis. It is also decided that in these Para military forces (CRPF, IRB) local tribal youth would be recruited. The enemy thought that this section, which is aware of the social, economical, language and terrain, would be able attack on the Guerillas with initiative.

It is decided to form a joint task force under the leadership of Union Government to suppress the movement. It is also decided to form STF by deputing staff from military, BSF, CRPF, state police and other organisations.

A unified command would be set up to coordinate the deployed Para military forces and state police forces. In addition to this, government is forming regional commands at the regional levels. One nodal officer is appointed in each regional operational command.

From these Para military, state police forces, chosen staff is deployed in the affected areas to suppress the movement. These are trained at the CIJWS at Vairangte in Mizoram state. They are trained in anti guerilla warfare and anti jungle warfare. They are forming A.P. Greyhounds type of forces based on the staff trained in Mizoram military school and in Hyderabad Police Academy. In attacks against us, these greyhounds forces are kept in the forefront.

Enemy is trying to establish anti guerilla warfare and anti forest warfare schools in all affected states. As a part of this, Chattisgadh government is establishing anti revolution jungle war school at Kanker. Such schools impart anti revolution war training. They upgrade the war efficiency of police. Thus they are trying to get more results with less strength.

These forces are being strengthened by equipping them with modern weapons like AK, INSAS, Grenade Launchers, Mortars, long rage walkie talkies, GPS equipments, Satellite phones to communicate from Police Stations to district head quarters. In some areas, armed vehicles are being provided. Bullet proof and mine proof vehicles are also being provided.

Enemy is trying to implement LIC method of “facing guerilla as a guerilla” (i.e., surprise attacks on guerillas by secret and quick movements). Enemy has identified the limitations of Commando type of attacks. Therefore, deploying large number of Para military forces and state police and trying to annihilate us by conducting military campaigns and by encircling us.

When we want to launch counter attacks on the plans of enemy, we should keep in mind, the attacks of Para military forces.

On one hand, central and state governments are making military preparations. On the other hand with a view to suppress the movement politically, many deceitful tactics are being followed. As a part of this, there is an attempt to suppress the Naxalite issue by military methods. On the other hand, they are saying that Naxalite issue is socio economic issue. Reforms are being taken up where in a small section is benefited and thus establishing a social base for them. For these reforms, state and central governments are spending crores of Rupees. Already 35 Crore Rupees were allotted to Naxal affected areas. These allocations may go up. Many of these are coming in the form of Prime Minister Gram Sadak Yojana, building of roads etc., schemes. Thus the facilities needed for the police are being created.

NGOs, Hindu Religions Institutions, Christian Missionaries are being encouraged. People are being divided. There is conspiracy to divert people from the struggle line.

In place of the repealed POTA, central government has formulated Prevention of Illegal activities act (UAPA). There are some black laws under implementation in some states under the guise of prevention of organised crime. In states like Chattisgadh, such laws are being framed. Through these laws, they are trying to ban our party and peoples unions and trying to suppress the nominal democratic rights of people. Further they are trying to legalise the suppressive activities of Police and trying to establish police state in the entire area of our organization. The information network in the organization area is being strengthened. Like in Andhra Pradesh, in all states Coverts and Nalladandu gangs are being formed. To coordinate these activities, SIBs are being planned in all the states.

It is decided to concentrate especially on the annihilation of state and central leadership. As a result, in these three months, we have lost Karnataka State Committee Secretary Comrade Saketh Rajan in Police firing. AOB SZCM Comrade Vinay was arrested on second date. These indicate that in the coming period, the enemy will concentrate only on the leadership.

Enemy is going to intensify negative publicity that Naxalites are anti-development people and they have links with ISI. Besides this, it is publicised that communism is outdated and nothing can be achieved through weapons.

In the past few years, to shift the injured police men and to shift police and civilian staff during elections, for aerial surveys, helicopters are being used. Now they are being used widely. They are being used to know our movements, to conduct reconnaissance of our camps, to survey and to chase our forces, to launch aerial attacks and also to attack our leadership.

At the center, UPA came into power in place of NDA. In the states, Congress came to power in the place of BJP and BJD. Whichever party is ruling, central and state governments are implementing globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation policies under the leadership of American Imperialists from 1991. They are going to continue them in the future. Hence, people of all sections are moving into struggles out of insecurity. Our party is coordinating the increasing people’s movements and struggles and directing them in the right direction. That is why the exploitative ruling classes fear loss of power and they are implementing suppression on our movement and on people’s struggle. This is the first country wide suppressive attack. This is a counter revolutionary war launched with the experience of attacks launched on us under the leadership of American Imperialists. More fascist methods are being implemented compared to the earlier attacks.

The ruling classes are formulating many strategic plans for the attacks carried out with the support of imperialists, especially American imperialists. The aim of all these is to exploit the large population. Till the every day basic problems of people are not solved, any amount of severe suppression has to be faced. Based on this, we should organise the people. If we take up peoples’ war in the light of Maoist peoples’ war strategy and if we can follow the guerilla war principles, the counter revolutionary will ultimately fail. We will organise and alert the people to protect the peoples state power that we are establishing to protect the results that we have achieved in the 25 years of war. We will nullify the government attack by using the peoples base and by utilising the favourable terrain and with the political and military tactics.

2. Attack to counter the attack of enemy

The class enemy is launching attack as per the military and political plan to destroy the revolutionary movement. We can neutralize the conspiracy of the enemy by preparing the political and military counter attack. We should concentrate on the following points:

  1. Ours is peoples’ war. Only by organizing large number of people in the war, we can face the enemy. We can successfully face the attack of enemy to the extent of our mobilising the people politically and militarily. Hence, we should educate the people in this regard. By developing the political awareness among the people and by mobilising them, we can make them understand the need of their participation in the war. For this, we should make efforts.
  2. The enemy is launching attack on us in the form of Nalladandu gangs, by luring the weak forces of our party and by converting them as coverts. In some areas these tactics are being used. Later, this tactic would be used in other areas also. There for, from now itself, we should prepare the counter attack. We should be dynamic and face the enemy boldly. We can face the enemy successfully by fighting bravely and by removing our weaknesses.
  3. Government machinery is speeding up reforms in war zones to instill confidence in the government and to make people dependent on government. At the same time, extending the informer network and coverts. Intensifying the campaign to destroy us. By reviewing the entire situation, we should keep all the committees alert against the tactic of enemy.

  4. After receiving information from informers, Police, CRPF, Commandos, Greyhounds, all forces attack on us. Therefore we should plan for destroying the secret organisation of enemy by launching attacks on the information network of SIB, IB. We should not take surrendered cadres into party of squads. ( along with, essay would be given in Jang)
  5. Attack is an important point in self protection, in balanced condition, in attack mode and also in counter attack mode. The level of attack action is different in different actions. By taking attack as the prime issue, we keep the planning and execution in our hands. Later, with the opportunity of deploying our forces, we can launch active counter attack. Without specific plan and without active initiation, we should not indulge in any war. Active initiation is crucial for victory.

  6. Depending on the situational levels, the following decisions are taken for
  7. struggle:

    1. Depending on the local struggle conditions and based on our strength, we should plan actions for annihilation of enemy and to seize weapons in Bihar, Jharkhand, Dandakaranya and in Andhra Pradesh.
    2. We are adopting combat methods of Ambush, raid, short surprise attack and many other methods. In the outer circle, we attack on centers where the enemy is weak. In the inner circle, we should organise base forces and the people against the invading enemy. We should involve people in the annihilation of enemy and in harassing the enemy. We should try more to implement this in Dandakaranya, Bihar, Jharkhand, NT, AOB.

    3. In 3U, OS, DB we should continue attacks on class enemy and other enemies. We should conduct actions against police and seize weapons. We should plan our actions in such way that they resist the initiative of the enemy. We should cause heavy losses to the enemy. We should organise militia and people in these actions.
    4. The situation is different in different regions. Therefore we should plan struggle based on the area situation. If we deviate from this, we would suffer losses. CMC members should practice secrecy. Other commissions, commands and all the military cadres also should practice secret methods. At the same time, we should follow secret methods in reconnaissance. We should properly maintain maps, planning sheets and decisions on actions. Otherwise, due to our negligent behaviour, they will fall into the hands of the enemy and our planning gets spoiled. They understand our plans. In this regard, in the entire Andhra Pradesh and in other places there are certain weaknesses. We should take care in this regard. We should not take it easy. We should not talk about reconnaissance to others.
    5. While planning we should take into consideration, the strength of PLGA and weaknesses of enemy. We should consider all aspects when we plan big operations. We should make preparations where victory is assured. They only, we should go ahead. We should not fight war when there is no scope of winning. We should follow Comrade Mao Guerilla war method of “you fight in your method – we fight in our method. When victory is assured, we fight. We do not fight when there is no chance of winning.”
    6. In order to take struggle or war to a high level, it is necessary to take up same type of attacks in Bihar, Jharkhand, DK and AOB. Initially we should concentrate on one or two targets. With the experience gained, we should plan for attacks on various targets and we should win them. Thus we should take the struggle to a high level.
    7. In Andhra Pradesh, while concentrating on small attacks on the enemy forces, under favourable conditions, we should plan for one or two relatively bigger actions.

    8. There are many instructions relating to this in our strategy and tactics document.

    In view of the approach of enemy, we should organise people. We should face the oppression. We should organise and make the people participate against the enemy in protecting the people’s empowerment and to spread the peoples struggle. We should never forget this. Enemy is always trying to alienate us from the people. Therefore we should organise people in all the ways. Revolutionary struggle should be in the form of struggle between state and the people. We should take care that it should not take the form of struggle between the party and the state.

  8. Resolution on Military Commissions, Formation of Commands, working system and duties.

The Central Military Commission of the CPI (Maoist) is formed with the merger of former CPM (ML) Peoples War and the former MCCI. We have decided its formation, working system and duties. Likewise, based on the guidelines of CMCs of both the parties and the new CMC, respective state, special zonal, special area, regional committees have decided the formation of their military commission, their working system and duties. That is why those issues are not being referred here.

The former CPI(ML) (Peoples War), former MCCI had formed their military commissions and commands separately and under their leadership, by annihilating the Indian armed forces, they developed. Due to the existence of military commissions, military commands under different revolutionary parties and minor differences in their structure, working system and duties, the CPI (Maoist) has taken a decision to have uniformity in the type of commissions and commands in the party. As a part of this, there should be Central Military Commission, State Military Commission / Special Zonal Military Commissions / Military commissions of Special Area Committees. Under the concerned state / Special Area / Zones, there should be sub zonal / regional, zonal/divisional/district, sub zonal/sub divisional, area commands should be there. As the limits of special area of B-J is very wide, there shall be regional military commission under the area military commissions. (it should be understood that sub zonal commands of central region are of regional level. In B-J area sub zonal means sub divisional level)

Central Committee will lead the entire party and PLGA forces on political, military and organizational fronts. According to the political and military strategy of Central Committee, to our entire PLGA forces, State / special area / special zonal military commissions / regional military commissions will provide military and political leadership. The central military commission should strengthen the special zonal / special area and regional military commissions. These commissions should be guided in such a way that through these commissions, PLGA is transformed into PLA. These commissions should be developed to a level where they can understand attack tactics followed by the enemy forces, covert tactics and conspiracies and prepare the counter attack tactics.

State, special zone, special area, regional military commissions in their states, zones, special areas with a duty a of transforming PLGA into PLA, all the commissions should develop commands at all levels in a way that they win in the War field. The leadership of commands should be developed in such a way that they are able to fight wars bravely in any critical situation. The PLGA forces should be trained to repulse the covert tactics and attack tactics of enemy forces. The commands should be shaped to repulse the various tactics of enemy forces. To run the war more efficiently and to transform PLGA into PLA, to annihilate the enemy forces more efficiently, sub-zonal commands, zonal / district commands should be strengthened and widened. Commissions should strive to establish area commands in all districts and zones. A qualitative change can be brought in Guerilla warfare by the formation of commands at all levels and by strengthening them politically and militarily. These commands will play important role in transforming Guerilla bases into base areas and in the conversion of Guerilla warfare into mobile warfare and ultimately lead to base war.

Structure of Commands:

The Command structure of former CPI ML Peoples War was like the following. There should be Sub-Zonal (means regional level), Divisional / district commands. While one SMC member is incharge and commander in chief of Sub-Zonal command, PPCSs, District Command incharges (DVCM) would be members. While one DVCM who is responsible for Divisional / District military subject in the Divisional District Command acts as the incharge, the platoon commanders of those divisions and LGS Commanders would be the members. In the limits of Area Command, commands are formed with one ACM responsible for the military subject, SGS commander working in the area limits with some people from the PR incharge of Militia.

The Command structure of former MCCI was like the following. Regional Military Commission was under the Special Area Military Commission. Under these, there used to be Zonal (means Division / District level), Sub-Zonal (here sub zonal means sub-division level or the formation which is below the division and above the area level), area commands. In the Zonal command, Zonal Committee member, all platoon commands operating in the zone and all deputy commanders would be the members. In this, Regional Military Commission member also will be a member. Zonal committee member would be incharge for this. In the sub-zonal commands, sub-zonal committee member, locally operated LRGs Commander, LRG deputy / assistant commander, SRGS Commander, SRGS deputy / assistant commander would be the members. From Zonal command, one would attend meeting (not a member). In the area command, all the commanders of LRGS operating in the area and deputy commander, one ACM responsible for the military subject would be the member. ACM himself will be the incharge for this. One member from sub-zonal command would attend the area command meetings.

To bring commands in to uniformity and to develop them into strong commands, Platoon Commanders and Company Commanders should be placed in Zonal Command. From now on, there should not be any Platoon deputy commanders in the commands. Henceforth, the command structure would be as following:

    • There is Sub-Zonal command in AP, NT, AOB, DK, which is equivalent to the RC committee of the Bihar – Jharkhand. The Zonal Command present in the Bihar – Jharkhand area is similar to the District / Division command of AP, NT, AOB, DK.
    • Zonal command will be with the members of Zonal Command. In this, zonal committee member also will be present. The commanders of the company which is the main force of the zone or the commanders of the platoon which is the main force will be present in this zonal command. Regional military commission member will be the commander in chief for this zonal command. As main forces are in the zonal level in Bihar – Jharkhand, the zone level command in chief should be the member of Regional Military Commission.
    • In AP, AOB, NT, DK main forces are in the state level and there are sub commands. Therefore, here in the sub commands, main force company commanders of DVC level, platoon commanders of main force, DCM/DVCM from the district will be the members of sub-zonal command. A member of the state military commission would be command in chief of sub zonal command.

    • In Bihar – Jharkhand, 3U SAC also in the zone level and sub-zone level commands, the company commanders and platoon commanders of the main forces should in these commands. State and Regional military commission members should be the Command in chiefs.
    • In the district commands, along with the district command member, who is a DCM, the platoon commanders or SGS commanders of the secondary forces would be the members. DCM or Division Committee Member would be the command in chief.
    • This command will consist of the ACM who is member of the area commands/ area committee along with SGS commanders or SDS commanders (PR). One ACM will the command in chief for this.

Working Pattern of Commands:

Sub zone, zonal / district commands should hold meetings with in 4-5 months.

  • Should review the achievements and short comings of our operations conducted against the enemy.
  • Should review the attacks of enemy and loss caused to us and to the enemy.
  • Should review the tactics followed by the enemy, his achievements and shortcomings, our tactics, achievements and shortcomings.
  • There should be criticism and introspection.

Duties of Sub-Zonal, Zonal / District Commands:

The importance of commands in the war field is crucial. The commands should change the war actions based on the changing war situations. War tactics should be changed from time to time to the extent needed. The commands should meet from time to time to understand the tactics of the enemy and should take suitable war decisions. In the working system, the command meetings are not held properly. By conducting meetings and by reviewing the war situation, commands would assess the situation properly and form suitable war strategies. Therefore, the commands will be able perform their duties efficiently by conducting meetings by overcoming the minor problems in the war field and by formulating suitable tactics and leading the war.

  • The commands of Central and State military commissions should be followed and the required operations should be conducted. If there are central and state commands, their commands and the operations required by them should be conducted and participated.
  • Annihilation of enemy and seizure of his weapons, destroying the enemy bases in the zonal and sub-zonal area.
  • Annihilation and harassing the enemy and snatching his weapons when he enters the guerilla zones or guerilla base to attack on the people and to suppress our movement.
  • Based on the strength of the enemy forces, by centralisation and decentralisation of our forces in the command, should launch attacks on the enemy.
  • Assessing the strength and weakness of the enemy forces and bases, their tactics, preparing the counter tactics and implementing them.
  • Establishing intelligence in the respective sub zonal, zone / district limits.
  • To develop the fighting capability and techniques of commanders and fighters in the PLGA and shaping them to become daring guerilla fighters.
  • Developing PLGA fighters into highly disciplined fighters.
  • Imparting continuous military training to PLGA forces and giving regular practice to them.
  • To prepare the PLGA fighters to fight with severe attack spirit under critical situation.
  • To establish Transport, Communications and medical wings in the commands area.

Duties of Area Commands:

  • Following the instructions of state, regional military commissions, zonal, sub zonal, district commands and conducting operations decided by them and participating in them.
  • To conduct independent attacks on the enemy bases in the area along with the main secondary forces, annihilating the enemy, harass and to snatch weapons.
  • To conduct independent attacks along with the main secondary forces on the enemy who ventures into the area to attack on the people; annihilating the enemy, harass him and to snatch weapons.
  • To cause severe loss to the enemy by making the basic militia (basic force) participate in all the attacks against the enemy.
  • To study the attack tactics of the enemy forces, his strength and weakness.
  • To establish peoples intelligence depending on the people in the area level and village level.

Formation of Company Party Committee:

The strength of the company should be decided based on the strength of our forces, leadership, availability of weapons in those areas. Party Committee should be formed in the company to run it in accordance with our strategy. This committee should be formed with the comrades of DVC level. The platoon commanders of the company who are not of the rank of DVC should not be taken into party committee in the company. There should be platoon party committee in the platoons that are part of the Company. There should be party cells in the sections.

The party Committees, Military Commissions, Commands, PLGA Formations will be as follows:

  1. Party Formation.

  • CC
  • SC, SZC, SAC
  • RC
  • DC/DVC/Zonal Committee
  • Sub DC/Sub DVC/Sub-zonal committee
  • AC

  1. Military Formation

  • Central Military Commission
  • State / Special Zonal / Special area military commission
  • Regional Military Commission.
  • District / Division / Zonal command.
  • Sub district / sub division / sub zonal command.
  • Area commands.

iii) PLGA Forces: Presently, there are inequalities in the levels and development of our movement. In addition to this, the establishment and development of military formations is based on the enemy oppression, peoples base, terrain etc.,. By keeping these issues in view, there is a need to clarify regarding our main forces and secondary forces.

1. Main forces: Special Area / Special Zone / State Committees, Forces under the leadership of commission – presently, in some areas, these may be in the level of platoons only.

2. Secondary Forces: Forces under the leadership of District / Divisional / Zonal Committee, Divisional Commands. Presently, in some areas, they may be either in the level of platoons or SGS.

3. Base Forces: Base forces will be under the leadership of Area Commands. Among them are:

    1. Grama Rakshaka Dalams (GRD), Athma Rakshak Dal / Self Defense Squads.
    2. PRDs working in the area of local RPCs.
    3. Zone Militia Squad / Peoples Militia Dal.

After discussing the PLGA formations implemented by the former MCCI and CPI (ML) Peoples War, to bring uniformity, structural changes were made in the Military Commissions, Commands to suit other formations of PLGA.

The LRGS formed by the former MCCI should be renamed as LGS. The name of SGS formed by the former CPI (ML) (Peoples War) should be renamed as LGS. As the Local Regular Guerilla Squads (LRGS), Special Regular Guerilla Squads (SRGS) are neither in the platoon nor in the SGS formation and they are in the midway, they should be repealed and Platoons only should be formed. Though they are formed with that strength under special conditions, there is no need to form them. The wording LRGS and SRGS and Regular Guerilla Squads are sounding like regular military army. Presently, ours is Guerilla army and not regular army. We can use the terminology of regular army when our PLGA transforms in to PLA. We should not use the word ‘regular’ till our PLGA is not transformed into PLA. Therefore, now onwards, our formations should be in the form of LGS, Platoon and Company. The name of LGS looking after the security of committee members looking after organisational works in the AP, NT, DK should be changed.

6. On Political – Military Training Schools:

Under the leadership of CMC of the former Peoples War, Mobile military school was established and continued its work at the central level. Now, it should be strengthened by joining instructors of various special area / zones / states.

Mobile military schools should be run under the leadership of CMC at central / special area / special zonal / state levels to provide leadership to PLGA forces and to develop them politically and militarily to achieve the goal decided by the party.

School Director: CMC incharge will be the incharge director to the Mobile Military School at the Central level. At the special area / special zone / state level schools, SMC incharges will be the directors.

Aim of Central School:

  1. To develop sub zonal commands / regional military commissions / state / special zonal military commissions politically and militarily. Thereby develop the leadership in the military field.
  2. To improve the fighting capability of former higher formations (Platoon, company / battalion).
  3. To strive to develop higher formations.
  4. To develop striking forces / Special Forces.

RANKS:

First Rank:- Members of State / special zonal military commissions, regional military commissions, Members of sub zonal commands, Commanders of Company, Battalions.

Second Rank:- Members of Divisional Commands / Platoon Commanders, SGS Commanders / LGS Commanders.

Third Rank:- PGA soldiers.

SYLLABUS:

  1. To make understand our political and military strategy. To aid, to develop military cadre to act in accordance with our political and military strategy.
  2. To motivate the forces politically to intensify the guerilla warfare to establish guerilla bases.
  3. On studying the strategy and tactics of the enemy and formulating counter tactics.
  4. Platoon, company formation maneuvering drills, conducting different war actions with the platoon, company formations (attacks, raids, ambush), destroying the enemy fortifications and thus making the raids and attacks successful.
  5. Use of Artillery.
  6. Use of Communications.
  7. Urban Combat.
  8. Explosives – Sabotage – I.E.Ds.

REFERENCE LITERATURE:

  1. Strategy – Tactics document.
  2. Political Review of 9th Congress.
  3. Mao military publications.
  4. Peoples War – Peoples Military – Giyap.
  5. Essays published in Jung.
  6. Collection of reviews on raids published in Jung.
  7. Collection of reviews on ambush published in Jung.
  8. Urban Combat.
  9. Explosives – Chemistry.
  10. Basic Military Course.
  11. Notes on Communications.

MANAGEMENT:

  1. CMC should update the syllabus. CMC should prepare the required literature. Camps should be conducted in various states on decentralisation method. CMC members and instructors of Central Mobile Military School (MOMIS) should together visit states and conduct classes. On advanced subjects and new subjects, when necessary, military camps should be held in centralised methods.
  2. Concerned State / Special Zones / SMCs should provide the required teaching aids to the Military Camps.

METHOD OF TRAINING:

Training should be imparted by keeping in view the situation prevailing in our military schools or where schools are not there; conditions prevailing in the state should be taken into consideration. Though use of IEDs to repulse attacks on our forces, ambushes and raids to annihilate our enemy and snatch weapons are important, based on the local conditions and on the availability of time, number of days and subjects should be decided.

Good snipers and grenadiers should be prepared during the training. The importance of initiative, tact, team spirit, planning, and leadership to gain victory in the battlefield should be emphasised. We can bring about qualitative change in the war field by extensive training to our three types of forces.

http://satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/maoist/documents/papers/CentralMilitaryCommissionDocument.htm

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CPI Maoist Resolutions of 4th PB meeting (for PMs) (Held from 1-4-06 to 9-4-06)

Posted by Indian Vanguard on November 7, 2007

1. Resolution on Martyrs: (all PMs)

In this first meeting of the PB being held after the martyrdom of our PB member, comrade Shamsher Singh Sheri (KS), on 28th of October’2005, PB pays its red revolutionary homage to this senior leader of our Party and vows to carry on the struggle to fulfill his cherished dreams of a new classless society. It calls upon the entire Party to undertake extensive propaganda on the exemplary life and contributions of our beloved leader during the Martyr’s Week this year. PB will bring out a booklet regarding com K.S.

In the past six months since the last CC meeting totally 227 of our comrades became martyrs throughout the country. Of these, 63 comrades belong to the three zones of AP, 34 are from BJ, 115 from DK of which 90-95 are members of RPCs, mass organizations, jan militia, and masses in the areas of our struggle, who were killed by salwa judum-police combine, 5 comrades in North CG, and one comrade each in West Bengal, MR and UP.

The martyrs include PB member, comrade KS; Com Mymuddin (Ravi), secretary of 3U Com Bhaskar, DCM of Adilabad; Commanders and Area Committee comrades such as Nagarjuna, Sunil, Vijaya, Rammohan Reddy, Sreedhar, Sudhakar of AP Com Devnath Singh of UP, com Mulla of West Bengal, Com Vasudev, Paramjit Yadav of Jharkhand, and several Party members, leaders, activists and members of our mass organizations, jan militia unitsm and revolutionary masses in various parts of the country.

Several comrades died while waging heroic battle with the central para-military and special police forces. Two comrades became martyrs during the Operation Jailbreak in Jehnabad on 13 November. Com Ashok died on the spot in enemy fire while com Indal Paswan was injured and died in hospital two days later. One comrade died in the raid on Dumaria police camp on March 5th. Two comrades of the Platoon were killed in AP. Many of our comrades like Sreedhar, Indal Paswan, Eeswaramma and others, stood steadfast during the tortures in police custody, guarded Party secrets, and thus rendered great service to the Party and people’s war until their last breath. They stand out as shining examples for the Party and the people of our country. We have to highlight the heroic and courageous resistance of these comrades and propagate their life-histories among Party cadres and people in a big way.

We should bring out a booklet describing the exemplary lives of the comrades and take up extensive campaign during the Martyr’s Week this year.

2. Resolution on sentences given to Barunda and others: (all PMs)

On 17th March’2005, the fasttrack court in Jhargram had given five years sentence to PBM comrade Barunda and life sentence to comrades. Tapas, CCM of our Party, and com Pratul. PB sees these sentences as the result of the political conspiracy hatched by the so-called Left Front government of West Bengal led by the neo-revisionist CPI (M) to incarcerate Maoist political prisoners. It is a reflection of the counter-revolutionary brutal onslaught of the reactionary ruling classes of India, and exposes the social fascist face of the ruling classes of India, and exposes the social fascist face of the ruling revisionists in the State.

PB calls upon the entire Party rank and file, PLGA fighters, the activists of revolutionary mass organizations and the entire masses of our country to build a wide mass movement and take up campaign countrywide. We must also strive to mobilize support abroad. Other revolutionary organizations, democratic organizations and individuals should be approached and mobilized to condemn and oppose these sentences. Leaflets, posters, booklets should be brought out in various languages. Hall and street corner meetings, rallies and other forms of protest should be organized. Signature campaign must be taken up throughout the country. We must expose how the real criminals are roaming scot-free while revolutionaries are sentenced. This should be used as an opportunity for carrying out revolutionary political propaganda. Barunda’s speeches court statements, etc., should also be widely propagated.

While the above campaign should be the main aspect, we should be the main aspect, we should also explore the possibilities of fighting in higher courts by appealing the HC and SC. Able advocates should be appointed for building the arguments. We must build up our arguments showing how the sentences are a result of political vengeance, cite health condition of Barunda, and assert how it is a conspiracy to finish off com Barunda by such heinous methods as not giving proper treatment, inflicting mental torture, and so on.

A booklet will be prepared on the sentences by the first week of May.

4. On the Economical Blockade of May 25-27 (upto PMs)

The PB is ratifying the decision of the ERB to declare a three day economical blockade in the name of the CC against the CBB and MNC installations in Jh, Bh, NCG, DK and Orissa states on May 25-27. Raw materials from these areas are being supplied to CBB and imperialist projects in our country and abroad. Apart from the existing loot and plunder of the lives of indigenous people of these areas some more new MoUs were signed by the different state and central governments, which are affecting seriously people, forests and natural resources. The forceful eviction drive taken by the ruling classes should be resisted and a call to stop the loot of the CBB, MNCs and imperialists should be fought. We have to expose the so-called development theories of the bourgeoisie.

At the time of blockade people should be rallied in a big way in different forms of resistance. People and guerillas should be engaged to disrupt rail and road lines in our areas, which are the nerve centres to carry the raw materials to factories and ports. Destruction of these will be taken widely. We should take care not to damage main routes of public transportation.

Propaganda material should be prepared by the SuCoMO in four languages.

5. Problems in achieving oneness in the Party: -

In the past 18 months since the formation of the unified Party, there has been a positive development of relations between the cadres of the two erstwhile parties at all levels. Overall, the spirit of unity has pervaded the entire party upto grassroots level. However, there still exist some problems in achieving oneness due to several historical, conceptual, practice-related, behavioral and other factors.Though they are not a big hurdle, PB has identified the following factors that are creating some problems for achieving oneness in some areas:

1. Influence of separate existence for a long period of time;

2. Influence of black chapter is still there in various forms though spirit of unity mainly exists. A tendency to go back to the period of strained relations and to search for causes could be observed among some comrades.

3. Influence of some decisions taken by the erstwhile parties prior to merger in accordance with their need at that time;

4. lack of knowledge of the historical development of the struggle and the objective conditions in the various states, and old misconceptions, impressions and prejudices regarding respective movements;

5. Lack of proper education to the cadres of two erstwhile parties about what each had learnt from the other which creates some doubts and hesitancy in receiving new ideas such as the agreement on KKC.

6. Problem of grasping the spirit of the new docs of the unified party;

7. Influence of still-prevalent old weaknesses on present relations that are creating problems;

8. Shortcomings on the part of the leadership in dealing with problems objectively;

9. Problems in functioning such as maintaining relations with old comrades of one’s erstwhile party; same old style of functioning in changed conditions instead of adjusting to the methods required in the new Party; lack of conscious attempts to understand the problems of the comrades;

10. Influence of enemy propaganda that creates doubts and prevents one from seeing facts objectively;

11. Influence of the past remnants and differences in each of the erstwhile parties that had accrued and entered the unified Party;

12. Influence of some problems dating back to the period of AICCCR and the formation of the two Parties, Com CM, etc.,

13. There are also some real problems such as different standards in the selection, gradation and promotion of cadres basing on different levels of the movement, problems arising out of composition of some committees, and so on.

Although PB has identified the above reasons that have some negative influence in achieving oneness in the Party, most of these are not of significance in the immediate context. The main thing that can promote or impede oneness is the attitude, trends, dealings of the leadership, or, to say in one word, the conscious role of the leadership. As long as the leadership of the unified Party, but retains, consciously or unconsciously, some affinity to the erstwhile party and reflected in its dealings and attitudes, it will be difficult to achieve oneness completely.

Hence, it is necessary to conduct an education campaign to get rid of the non-proletarian trends, while the leadership is dealing with the problems that are acting as hurdles in the way of achieving oneness. A thorough education on the basic documents, concepts, historical development of the movements of the erstwhile parties is necessary and the PB expects that this would be completed in the course of conducting the conferences and the Congress. It calls upon the Party rank and file, the leadership in particular, to consciously concentrate on achieving this great objective while showing flexibility and proper balance in dealing with the problems.

Today, the utmost need of the hour is to unite our forces like an iron fist to defeat the ever growing all-round enemy offensive. For this, the entire rank and file of the unified Party must place the interests of the Party, the oppressed people of our country and the lofty aims of achieving a new classless society above everything else and stand as exemplar revolutionary models.

9. On DK:

PB has discussed the developments in DK. It hails the tough resistance given by the Party, PLGA, MO and people under the leadership of the DKSZC and the CCMs who are guiding the programme directly. This heroic resistance of our PLGA fighters and the revolutionary masses of Bastar, the series of blows they inflicted upon the cruel enemies of the people and the para-military, Naga Force and special police forces has become an inspiration to the entire revolutionary camp in the country.

The scale and magnitude of the enemy’s military onslaught unleashed in the name of Salwa Judum is unprecedented in the history of the Indian revolution after the setback of 1972. This cruel, divisive campaign should be defeated in order to advance the task of transforming PLGA into PLA and establishing Base Area.

The PB noted with grave concern that we have not taken up the propaganda and solidarity campaigns in the various states to the extent possible corresponding to our subjective strength. At this critical juncture when the Central and state governments, with the full backing of the imperialists, CBB and feudal forces, have unleashed a brutal encirclement and suppression campaign in Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, and are quite determined to ruthlessly carry out their heinous plans of destroying the Party, PLGA, RPCs, revolutionary mass organizations, and terrorise the masses through gory bloodbaths, the main focus of our entire Party should be to build strong support to the ongoing armed resistance in DK in all possible ways. The PB discussed and decided to intiate the following steps in DK and also in the various states in order to defeat the enemy offensive unitedly and build countrywide solidarity movement in support of the people’s armed resistance under our Party’s leadership in DK:

i. Central and State governments will intensify their brutal attack further in this summer. Salwa Judum-para military’s combined ongoing offensive is a springboard to facilitate the deployment of the Indian Army to capture our GBs particularly Maad. Already in this direction coordination has been increased by the concerned officials.

ii. Eviction of hundreds of villages and shifting them to new settlements is another plan intiated by the Chhattisgarh State government for which Rs. 500 crores is sought from the Centre. Already 70-80 villages were burnt, hundreds of villages were forcibly evacuated, around 50,000 people had been shifted to government organized camps.

SJ leadership put forward alternative slogans to all out slogans reflecting the sharp polarization into two camps-revolutionary and counter-revolutionary. Day by day offensive of these forces and counter offensive of our people and forces is increasing and a civil war situation now prevails in entire Bastar, which has now become the focal point of the bitter class conflict.The offensive was led by the Congress-BJP combine at state and all India level. Initially, the reactionary ruling succeeded to some extent in projecting the savage Salwa Judum as a spontaneous uprising of the adivasis against the Maoists. However, the consistent heroic resistance by our forces and the people has transformed the debate on Salwa Judum at AI level in a qualitative manner with a significant section of the people questioning the unjustness of the state-sponsored campaign and understanding the justness of our counter-offensive. A polarization of forces at all India level is also taking place. We have to utilize the situation and exploit the contradictions among the enemies to isolate the main enemy. We must strive to rally our friendly forces to intensify our resistance.

iii. We have to take the utmost caution to ensure that common people do not become victims and innocent lives are not lost in the course of our counteroffensive against the enemy. Education should be given to the party cadres that all precautions should be taken to ensure that Pakhanjur-type of incidents do not recur. We must make serious effort to win over or neutralize the people in the neighboring areas who are being organized against us by the ruling classes.

iv. We have to concentrate on isolating the enemy further at CG level and at all India too. Further blows should be given on main enemy and its armed forces. All possible means should be explored to carry out this task. Resistance in CGSC should be developed.

v. The PB is appreciating the formation of 3rd Coy and Koya Bhumkal Sena to resist the SJ offensive campaign and as part of strengthening the people’s Army. The PB is further suggesting to the DKSZC and the CCMs concerned to further consolidate and strengthen the PLGA, defend and expand the RPCs, resist and defeat the ever-intensifying state armed offensive.

    1. (a) A fresh booklet updating the earlier one should be brought out. Our resistance should also be focused in the booklet.

(c) June 14-15 two days Chakka Jam programme will be taken to counter the “Smash all Campaign” of the enemy in Bastar. All the state committees should be instructed to initiate Rail and Road blockade by mobilizing masses, burning the enemy infrastructure, blocking the roads by felling trees, putting of banners, posters and all other possible ways. A caution should be given to all not to blast the rail tracks on this occasion. Mass mobilization for road and rail Jam Programmes can be taken in nights particularly in repression areas. SuCoMO will release leaflet, posters by the end of April.

(d) We must be selective in hitting the targets and should ensure that innocent civilians do not become victims;

(e) 25 years Souvenir of the DK will be published.

(f) A website should be opened for propaganda on behalf of the committee which will be formed. Propaganda material should be sent to fraternal parties and individuals abroad.

(g) Mass collections for money should be made at all levels.

(viii) International teams for Fact Finding Committees and Medical assistance should be called as early as possible.

Medicine will be collected in all centres and money for this purpose.

*****************

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CPI (MAOIST) Constitution, Draft document 2004

Posted by Indian Vanguard on November 4, 2007


Central Committee (P)
CPI (Maoist)

FOREWORD

The present draft document has been finalized by Joint CC of the erstwhile CPI (ML)[PW] and the MCCI in September 2004 after extensive discussions. Five draft documents were prepared after intense discussions in a series of bilateral meetings held between the high-level delegations of the two erstwhile parties between February 2003 and September 2004. The Joint CC meeting deeply studied these five draft documents, freely exchanged the rich experiences acquired through the revolutionary practice during the past three decades and more, and arrived at a common understanding on several vexed questions confronting the Indian revolution in the backdrop of the international developments.

The present document – Party Constitution – is the synthesis of all the positive points in the documents of the two erstwhile parties, as well as their experiences in the course of waging the people’s war, fighting against revisionism, and right and left opportunist trends in the Indian and international communist movement, and building a stable and consistent revolutionary movement in various parts of our country.

We are placing the present document before the entire rank and file of our new Unified Party for immediate guidance and implementation. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that this is a draft for the forthcoming Congress of the Unified Party. Hence, it has to be enriched further by the participation of all the Party members and suggesting amendments where necessary. Thus it should become an effective weapon in the hands of the Party for solving the fundamental problems of the Indian revolution and to advance it towards victory.

Central Committee (P)

21-9-2004
Communist Party of India (Maoist)

CHAPTER-1 : GENERAL PROGRAMME

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is the consolidated political vanguard of the Indian proletariat. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the ideological basis guiding its thinking in all the spheres of its activities. Immediate aim or program of the Communist Party is to carry on and complete the new democratic revolution in India as a part of the world proletarian revolution by overthrowing the semi-colonial, semi-feudal system under neo- colonial form of indirecr rule, exploitation and control and the three targets of our revolution—imperialism, feudalism and comprador big bourgeoisie. The ultimate aim or maximum programme of the party is the establishment of communist society. This New Democratic Revolution will be carried out and completed through armed agrarian revolutionary war i.e. the Protracted People’s War with area wise seizure of power remaining as its central task. Encircling the cities from the countryside and thereby finally capturing them will carry out the Protracted People’s War. Hence the countryside as well as the Protracted People’s War will remain as the center of gravity of the party’s work from the very beginning. During the whole process of this revolution the party, army and the united front will play the role of three magic weapons. In their interrelationship the party will play the primary role, where as the army and the united front will be two important weapons in the hands of the party. Because the armed struggle will remain the highest and main form of struggle and army as the highest form of organization of this revolution, hence armed struggle will play a decisive role. Whereas the united front will be built in the course of advancing armed struggle and for armed struggle. Mass organizations and mass struggles are necessary and indispensable but their purpose is to serve the war. The immediate and most urgent task of the party is to establish full-fledged people’s liberation army (PLA) and base areas by developing and transforming the guerilla zones and guerrilla bases. Just after completing the NDR the party will advance towards establishing socialism without any delay or interception. Because the NDR will already lay the basis for socialism and hence there will be no pause. Thereafter, the party will continue to advance towards realizing communism by continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Socialist society covers a considerable long historical period. Throughout this historical period, there will be classes, class contradictions and class struggle. The struggle between socialist road and capitalist road will also continue to exist. Only depending on and carrying forward the theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat can correctly resolve all these contradictions. In this context the GPCR initiated and led by Mao Tse-tung was a great political revolution carried out under the conditions of socialism by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and there by fighting against the danger of capitalist restoration. Party will also continue to hold high the proletarian internationalism and will continue to firmly contribute more forcefully in uniting the genuine M-LM forces at the international level. While uniting the M-L-M forces, it will also establish unity with oppressed people and nations of the whole world and continue its fight together with them in advancing towards completing the world proletarian revolution against imperialism and all reaction, thereby paving the way towards realizing communism on a world scale.

During the whole course the comrades throughout the party must cherish the revolutionary spirit of daring to go against the tide, must adhere to the principles of practicing Marxism and not revisionism, working for unity and not for splits, and being open and aboveboard and not engaging in intrigue and conspiracy, must be good at correctly distinguishing contradictions among the people from those between ourselves and the enemy and thereby correctly handling those, fighting left and right opportunism and non proletariat trend must develop the style of integrating theory with practice, maintaining close ties with the masses and practicing criticism and self-criticism.

The future is certainly bright, though the road is tortuous. All the members of our party will wholeheartedly dedicate their lives in the lofty struggle for communism on a world scale must be resolute, fear no sacrifice and surmount every difficulty to win victory!

CHAPTER-2 : THE PARTY, FLAG, OBJECTIVES

Article – 1: Name of the Party: The Communist Party of India (Maoist)

Article – 2: Flag: Party Flag is red in color with hammer and sickle printed in the middle in white colour. The hammer of the sickle will remain towards the side of the pole. The ratio of length and breadth of the flag is 3:2

Article – 3: (a) The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is the consolidated vanguard of the Indian proletariat. It takes Marxism- Leninism-Maoism as its guiding ideology.

(b) The party will remain underground throughout the period of New Democratic Revolution.

Article – 4: Aims and Objectives:

The immediate aim of the party is to accomplish the New Democratic Revolution in India by verthrowing imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism only through the Protracted People’s War and establishes the people’s democratic dictatorship under the leadership of the proletariat. It will further fight for the establishment of socialism. The ultimate aim of the party is to bring about communism by continuing the revolution under the leadership of the proletariat and thus abolishing the system of exploitation of man by man from the face of earth.

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) dedicates itself at the service of the people and revolution, herishes high affection and respect for the people, relies upon the people and will sincere in learning from them. The party stands vigilant against all reactionary conspiracies and revisionist maneuvers.

Article – 5: The party will continue to hold high the banner of proletarian internationalism and will put its due share in achieving the unity of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist forces at international level.

CHAPTER-3 : MEMBERSHIP

Article – 6: Any resident of India, who has reached the age of 16 years, who belongs to worker, peasant, toiling masses petty-bourgeoisie classes or any other revolutionaries, accepts Marxism-Leninism- Maoism as his/her guiding ideology in day to day activities, accepts Party Programme and Constitutions, actively participates in party activities under any one of the party unit observing discipline, prepare to face the danger encountered in that course and agree to pay regularly membership fees and levies that are decided by the party unit may become a party member. He/She is coming from other than proletariat class, by taking part in the task of agrarian revolution, should declass himself/herself with the proletarian ideology and adopting the life style of proletariat.

Article – 7: Generally party members are admitted as individuals, through a primary party unit. very applicant for membership must be recommended by two party members; they must have thorough knowledge about him/her and provide those necessary information’s to the party. And the applicant for party membership should submit an application.

Article – 8: Concerned primary unit will investigate the applicant and it will be done secretly with in party as well as among masses. Essentially the application must be recommended by concerned party cell/unit and letter on approved by next higher party committee. The applicant will be admitted into the party as a candidate member. After candidate membership is given, he/she should be observed for a minimum period of six months- for applicants from working class, landless-poor peasants and agricultural laborers; one year for middle peasants, petty bourgeoisie and urban middle class; and two years for those coming from other classes and other parties. From AC to all other higher party committees will also have the right to give new membership, while following the same methods.

Article – 9: Generally party members will be admitted from activist groups organized for party ctivity working under the guidance of party unit. They must be involved in party activities as decided by the concerned party unit at least for six months before admitting them as candidate member.

Article – 10: By the end of the candidature period, the concerned party unit after reviewing can give full membership or his/her candidature can be extended for another six months, by explaining the reasons. This decision should be reported to the next higher committee. Higher committees may change or modify the decision taken by the lower committee. Zonal/Dist. Committee must approve the new membership. SAC/State Committee will finally approve.

Article – 11: An Indian residing in a foreign country that has all the necessary qualifications for party membership may be given membership; a foreigner residing in India permanently can also be given membership.

If a member of other Marxist-Leninist groups wants to join our party, he/she may be admitted with the approval of the next higher committee. If his/her status is that of primary member in the original party, he/she shall be admitted as full fledged member with the approval of the district/sub-zonal committee. If he/she is an AC member in the original party, he/she shall be admitted within the approval of the state/regional committee. If he/she was of the rank of district or regional level in the original party, he/she shall be admitted by the central committee if he/she was of the rank above regional committee.

If an ordinary member of a bourgeois or revisionist party wants to leave that party and join our party, his/her application shall be recommended by two party members, one of them a being a party member at least for two years. His/ Her candidate membership shall have to be accepted by the next higher committee. Similarly, if a member of a bourgeois or revisionist party bearing area level or above responsibilities wants to join our party, his/her application shall have to be recommended by two party members one of them being party members at least for five years. His/her membership shall have to be accepted by the state committee or by the central committees.

Article – 12: Membership fees are Rs.10 per annum. Concerned unit after assessing the economic situation of the party member will fix monthly party levy.

Article – 13: Proven renegades, enemy agents, careerists, individuals of bad character, degenerates and such alien class-elements will not be admitted into the party.

Article – 14: No one from exploiting classes will be admitted in to the party unless he/she hands over his property to the party and should deeply integrate with the masses.

CHAPTER-4 : RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF PARTY MEMBERS

The Duties of the Party Members:

Article – 15: He/she shall study and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism lively. In the concrete condition of India, he/she must be creative, firm and capable in practice. He/she should try to develop his/her consciousness from the reach experiences of party’s ideological, political and organizational line as well as style and method of work.

Article – 16: He/she shall defend ideological and political basis of the party and shall consistently wage ideological and political struggle against various types of non proletarian trends, revisionist

policies, trends and style of work; ‘left’ and right opportunism, economism, parliamentarianism, legalism, reformism, liberalism, sectarianism, empiricism, subjectivism, dogmatism and anarchist concepts and trends.

Article – 17: He/she must study party organs documents and magazines regularly and must take initiative in popularizing party’s literature and collecting party fund.

Article – 18: Party members must take part actively and regularly in the dayto- day work of those party units and organizations to which they are attached. They must following party line, programme, policies, principles, directives and decisions.

Article – 19: Every member must be ready to participate and play a vanguard role in class struggle in the form of armed agrarian revolutionary war i.e. Protracted People’s War and other forms of revolutionary mass struggles. They must be prepared to take part in war and give leadership in Protracted People’s War for seizure of political power.

Article – 20: He/she must subordinate his/her personal interests to the interests of the party and the people. Party members must fight for the interests of the great masses of the people, must integrate with broad masses, learn from them, rely upon them and strengthen the party relations with the broad masses. He/she must be true servant of the people, sacrifice everything for them and must go to the people for taking the solution of their problems i.e. keep to the principle of “from the masses to the masses”. He/she must be concerned about the problems of the people, try for their solutions, intimate all those things to the party in time and explain the party line and policies them.

Article – 21: He/She must not practice himself/herself, and should relentlessly fight with a proletarian class outlook against discrimination based on gender, caste, nationality, religion, region and tribe, and ruling class policies of divide and rule.

Article – 22: With the aim of helping each other, he/she must develop the method of collective functioning by comradely criticism and self-criticism. He/she must have attitude to work even with

those who raise criticism and hold different views and be able at unite with the great majority, including those who have wrongly opposed them but are sincerely correcting their mistakes.

Article – 23: He/She must accept firmly in theory and practice -party unity, party committee functioning and party discipline.

He/She must safeguard the secrecy of the party. He/She must defend the party and hold its cause against the onslaught of the enemy. He/she must safeguard the unity of the party against factionalism. He/She must develop professional attitude towards his/her revolutionary work and must develop his/her level of skills, knowledge and proletarian out look.

Article – 24: The Rights of the Party Members:

a) The right to elect and to be elected to party committees at the concerned levels.

b) The right to get Party Magazines, documents, circulars, etc., and the right to freely discuss in the party meetings and party organs about the political and organizational line, policies and decisions of the party and about problems arising in implementing them.

c) In case of any disagreement with the decision of the committee/unit, a member of the concerned committee/unit, must remain loyal to carry out the decision may retain his/her dissenting opinion and demand resettlement of the issue in any subsequent meeting or may even send his/her opinion to higher committees unit the central committee for consideration through his/her respective party unit, when the respective committee fails to solve the problem within six

months, he/she has the right to send his/her opinion directly also. It is, however, the discretion of the committee to decide whether to reopen the matter or not.

d) Any member has the right to send criticism against any other party member not in his/her unit to the next higher committee. Any party member has right to send criticism and suggestions

Decisions taking by any party committee up to Central Committee through the next higher committee.

e) The duties and rights of the candidates members and party members are identical but for one difference. The candidate members have no right to elect or to be elected or to vote.

f) In case of punishment to any unit or party member, detailed explanation and discussion regarding the specific case must be conducted in his/her presence and information regarding decision must be sent to the higher committee in writing.

CHAPTER-5 : ORGANISATIONAL PRINCIPLES OF THE PARTY

Article – 25: a) The organizational principle of the party is democratic centralism. Party structure and internal life is based on this principle. Democratic centralism means centralism based on inner party democracy and inner party democracy under centralized leadership. While discussing open heartedly and being united in party work, such a political atmosphere has to be created where both centralism and democracy, discipline and freedom, unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness -all these will be present. Only in such an atmosphere the principle of democratic centralism can be implemented successfully.

b) Most important principle of democratic centralism for organizational structure, the leading committees at all levels shall be compulsorily elected on the basis of democratic discussion. Conferences, plenums and elected committee at all levels shall have approval from higher-level committees.

Essentially the whole party shall follow the principle the individual is subordinate to the organization the minority is subordinate to the majority, the lower level is subordinate to the higher level, and the entire party is subordinate to the Central Committee.

c) Leading committees of the party shall present the organizational report in Congress/Conference or Plenum. These committees will listen to the opinions of people both

inside and outside the party and will be answerable to them. Party members shall have the right to criticize and send their opinions/resolutions to the higher committee; even if any party member has a different point of view then he/she can send his views to the higher committee and even up to the central committee.

d) Every member of leading of committee must bear the responsibility to give party leadership to a specified area and a front. They will take direct experience from it and knowledge acquired from this experience can help in guiding other committees, except special responsibility given by higher committees. The central committee can give any member/members of all the leading committees including central committee.

e) The leading committees must regularly send reports to their lower committees and must intimate their decisions promptly. All lower bodies shall likewise be responsible to make regular

reports to higher committees about their respective activities.

f) Except those, who are given some special tasks, every party member shall be a member of any one of the party units.

g) Before decisions are taken every party member may freely and fully discuss in the concerned party units. He/She may express his/her opinions on party policies and various problems and some times may abstain form expressing final opinion explaining the reason for it. But, after taking a decision, everybody must strictly abide by them. However, if a member still holds different opinion, he/she has the right to reserve it. It is not permissible to raise discussion on those issues immediately after they were discussed and decisions taken in Congress /conference.

Any member may raise discussion on new issues in the concerned committees. If he/she feels that the issues are concerned with the whole party then he/she may send his/ her opinion up to the Central Committee through his/her committees’ or/and in special circumstances, directly. If one third of the Central Committee members opine so and also want to call plenum for its solution then it will be circulated at least up to the State Committees. In case the majority of the State Committees agree with this demand then the Central Committee will call the plenum. In such like special circumstances also, the Central Committee will ensure that the democratic method of resolving issues is followed.

h) Keeping in mind the difference between the tactics and method, every unit has the freedom to take initiative in developing new methods of implementation of the party general line and tasks given by higher committees.

i) If a member is arrested, he/she shall be relieved of all responsibilities and the membership will be placed under observation. Depending on his/her behavior during the period of detention by enemy or in the jail or after coming out his/her membership shall be continued/cancelled. If continued he/she shall be admitted into the party committee, which he/she belonged to prior to his/her arrest unless the party decides otherwise.

j) The method of criticism and self-criticism shall be practiced in the party committee at all levels. There must be relentless struggle against bureaucratic, individualistic, liberal, ultrademocratic, Multi-centered factionalist tendencies and trends in the functioning of the committees. The committees should function on the basis of collective leadership and individual responsibility.

k) Comradely relations and mutual co-operation shall be extended in rectifying the mistakes of others. A party member’s work has to be reviewed on the basis of his/her overall practice in party life and not on the basis of minor mistakes some trifle matters.

l) It is only the Central Committee that shall have the right to take decision on domestic and international issues. Decisions on various level regarding local issues and problems shall be taken by the respective committees, which will be in accordance with the decisions taken by higher committees.

m) When a party member is transferred to another region, she/ he shall be recognized as party member of the same level responsibility in that region. While transferring a member from one region to another all details about he/she shall be sent to the concerned unit in writing.

CHAPTER-6 : PARTY DISCIPLINE

Article – 26: Party Discipline is must to defend unity of the party, to increase the fighting capacity and to implement the policy of democratic centralism. Without iron discipline no revolutionary party will be able to give capable leadership to the masses in the war and to fulfill the responsibility of revolution on. Party discipline is same for all the party members including the leadership.

Article – 27: a) To reject the aims and objective of the party, party programme or organizational structure or to violate them will be tantamount to indiscipline and the member or unit involved in such activities, will be liable to disciplinary action.

b) When party members violate party discipline, the concerned party unit shall take appropriate disciplinary measures warning, serious warning, suspending from party posts, removal from post, suspending or canceling the party membership, expelling from the party etc., subject to the approval of the higher committee. Cancellation and expulsion of party membership shall come into force only after the next higher committees approve them. Time limit shall be specified while suspending a party membership, which should not be more than one year. The next higher committee shall ratify suspension.

c) When any Party unit violates the discipline, the higher committees shall take disciplinary measures such as reprimanding the unit to partially reconstituting the unit. For dissolving the unit, approval of the next higher committee is necessary.

d) When a Central Committee member seriously violates party discipline (acts as enemy agent or indulges in open anti-party activities) the Central Committee shall have the right to remove him/her from his/her rank or to expel him/her from the party. But, such a measure will come into force only when twothirds of Central Committee members give their approval.

e) The party unit or the party member whom disciplinary measure is taken shall be submitted a charge sheet beforehand. If the unit or the member thinks that such a disciplinary measure was unjustified, then the unit or the member may raise objection, may request for reviewing the decision or may appeal to the higher committee. Such appeals shall be sent to the higher committees by the concerned lower committees without any delay. Every member shall have the right to defendhimself/herself in person in his/her committee/unit or to submit his/her written explanation to the higher committee, which takes disciplinary action against him/her.

Article – 28: a) Punishment should be given only if all other options of discussion and convincing to rectify a member or a party unit fails. Even after giving punishment efforts must be made to rectify. Policy of saving the patient and curing disease should be followed. In special circumstances to defend party security and respect, punishment should be given as soon aspossible.

b) The lower committee cannot take any disciplinary action on any member of the higher committee. However, in case of dual membership they may send their allegations andsuggestions about the members of the higher committees in writing to the concerned committees.

c) In case of gross breach of Party discipline which may cause serious harm to the party, if he/she be allowed to continue his/her membership or post in the party, a member can be summarily suspended from party membership, removed from his/her party post by his/her committee or by higher committees pending framing charge sheet and getting his/ her explanation. At the time of taking such disciplinary steps, the concerned committee should specify the period by which a final decision will be taking in the matter.

d) If any party member or candidate member (or a member at any level) does not participate in party activities or does not implement party decisions for six months without showing proper reason does not renew membership and does not pay membership fee and levy he/her shall be deemed to have voluntarily withdrawn from the party and his/her membership shall either be suspended or cancelled. Those members, who are corrupted in economic matters, degenerate politically, becomes characterless or betray the party-secrecy shall be liable to punishment.

e) The harshest measures among all the disciplinary measures taken by the party are expulsion and cancellation from the party. Hence while taking such decision; concerned party unit shall observe utmost care. Such measures will be taken when all the efforts in rectifying the concerned-member failed .The party members appeal must be carefully examined by the concerned higher committee and the circumstances, under which he/she committed the mistakes, must be thoroughly reviewed.

f) If persons whose party membership has been cancelled or have resigned express their willingness again to join the party, the concerned committees, should take a decision after thorough investigation. Membership should give only after testing through practice for a minimum period of six months. Only the state or Central Committee may take members once expelled from the party barring betrayals. Lower committees, May however, forward recommendations in this regard.

CHAPTER-7 : PARTY’S ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE

Article – 29: a) The party organization shall be formed according to geographical divisions or spheres of production.

b) Party is constituted with two types of membership professionals and part-timers.

Article – 30: The party structure at the various levels shall be as follows:

a) The highest body of the party shall be the Central Committee. Below the Central Committee there will be Special Area Committee/Special Zonal Committee/State Committee; Regional Committee; Zonal Committee/District/Divisional Committee; Sub-Zonal/Sub-Divisional Committee; Area Committee; local level committees such as village/Basti/Factory/College party

committee. The primary unit of the party will be cell. The Town and city committee will be formed and the concerned higher committee will decide the status of the committee.

b) All committees will elect their secretaries. All committees may form secretariats according to the needs of the movement and he size of the committee. The secretaries of all committees and the secretariats are of the same level and will have same rights as the committee of which they are part. However they, secretaries and secretariats, will have special duties and responsibilities.

c) All the leading committees from Area Committee onward will be constituted only with professional revolutionaries.

d) The party congress is the supreme authority of the entire party. The Central Committee elected by the congress is the highest authority in between two congresses.

e) Special Area Committee/Special Zonal Committee/State Committee elected by the SAC/SZC/SC conference is the highest authority at the SAC/SZC/State level.

f) Regional committee elected by the regional conference is the highest authority at the region level. Regional committee can be formed by dividing the states or with parts of different states according to the requirements of the movement.

g) Similarly, Zonal/District/Divisional and Sub-Zonal/Sub- Divisional Committees will be elected at their respective level conferences. Area Committees are elected at the Area level conference.

h) Town/City Committee elected at the respective level conference.

i) Party cell – it consists of three to five members in a village, or in two or three villages combined, or a factory, or educational institution, or a locality, or two or three localities combined. In mass organisations units, cells will be formed.

j) In the period between two conferences or congresses, the committees elected at the respective levels are the highest bodies.

k) All committees elect their respective secretaries.

l) Various sub-committees and commissions under the leadership at different levels may be formed to efficiently carry out the party’s work in various spheres.

Basic Unit :

Article – 31: a) Party cell will be basic unit of the party. Party cell can be formed area wise or profession wise. Party cells are nucleus for day-to-day activities. The members in cells will be minimum 3 and maximum 5. Cell members will fulfill their responsibilities and duties as full fledged party members and they will avail all the rights of party membership (except candidates members). The cell will elect its secretary.

b) Candidate members will also work according to the decisions of the party cell. They shall participate in the discussions and follow the party directives but they will not have voting rights at the time of decision-making.

c) While forming party cells area wise, efforts will be made to form party cells in factories and in mass organizations.

d) If there are two or more cells in an area, a committee below that of AC can be formed.

e) Party cell is a living link between broad masses of an area and the party. The cell will lead the revolutionary war of broad masses of people with full initiative. It shall make relentless efforts to bring the masses of factory, locality and peasant areas close to the political line and aims of the party. By involving militant activists and party followers in the revolutionary war against autocratic semi-colonial, semi-feudal state system. It will stress from the very beginning to educate the masses to function secretly, illegally and according to the strategy and tactics of the Protracted People’s war. By selecting 3-5 party activists and organizing them in a group educating them in party politics and organizing them as members are important responsibilities of party cells.

CHAPTER-8 : PARTY CONGRESS

Article – 32: Holding the all India party congress shall be decided by the central committee. The party congress shall be held once in five years. Under special circumstances it may either be postponed or preponed decision has to be taken by majority ofthe CC .

Article – 33: The party congress elects a presidium to conduct the congress and discharges the following tasks:

a) It undertakes the political and organizational review of the party since the preceding congress.

b) It adopts the party programme, party constitution and the strategy and tactics financial policy and formulate other policy matters.

c) Appraises the domestic and international situation and lays down the tasks.

d) Decides the number of central committee members and elects the central committee and alternate CC members.

e) It ratifies the financial statements.

Article – 34: (a) The central committee elects general secretary of the party. It also elects a politburo depending on the requirements of the movement, and will take political, organizational and military decisions according to the party-line and the decisions of the central committee in between the period of one central committee meeting to the next and will get its decisions ratified

in the subsequent central committee meeting. It will also setup regional bureaus, CMC, and other sub-committees & departments. The general secretary also acts as the in charge of the Polit Bureau.

(b) To run its party organs, the central committee appoints editorial boards for each organ. The General Secretary will be the chief editor of the theoretical-ideological organ of the central committee.

Article – 35: The central committee may convene central plenums to deal with special problems in the period between congress. These plenums can discuss and take decisions on problems relating to party line and policies in that period. Similarly election of new members into the central committee or removal of Central Committee members can also be taken up by the central plenums.

When ever it is necessary, the central committee can co-opt members not exceeding one-fourth of its existing strength if 2/3 of its members agree.

Article – 36: Special Area, state/regional, special zonal, zonal and/sub-zonal/ district/divisional plenums shall be held once in every three years.

Under special circumstances they may be held earlier or postponed. However area conferences/plenums should be held once every two years. These conferences take decisions after holding discussions on problems relating to their respective levels, send their opinions on the party line and polices to higher committees and elect the respective committees along with alternate members, if necessary.

Article – 37: In the period between above level conferences, if necessary, plenums may be convened, with the approval of the next higher committee. Decisions may be taken after discussion on problems in the areas under the jurisdiction of the various committees in their respective plenum of the respective committee members may either be elected or removed. If plenums of any committee cannot be held due to special circumstances, the concerned committees may co-opt one-fourth of their respective strengths with the approval of the next higher committee.

Article – 38: a) The number of delegates to the various conferences including the congress shall be decided by the respective committees according to membership strength as per the decisions of different levels of committees and party congress.

b) The respective committees are empowered to specially invite up to ten percent of the strength of delegates attending the congress, and other different level conference. Observes and non-voting delegates may also be invited to the conference of the respective committees.

Article – 39: The Central Committee shall release relevant draft documents to be discussed in the party congress to all party members giving sufficient time as decided by the CC, before the process of the congress starts. All amendments to drafts submitted by the lower level conferences and by members should be sent to the Central Committee, which will place them before the party congress.

Delegates to the party congress shall enjoy the right to move amendments to the draft documents. After going through the draft documents, if any committee delegate/delegates want to

move alternative document, he/she/they must immediately inform the Central Committee, and the central committee will decide about the time to be given to the concern delegate/delegates committee for drafting the document. The concerned committee delegate/delegates have to draft the document within a scheduled time as decided by CC, and thus submit it to the Central Committee. The Central Committee deserves the right to circulate it with its own comment.

Article – 40: The out going central committee shall propose to the congress a panel of members of the new central committee to be formed.

Any delegate shall have the right to object to any name in the panel, or can even propose a new panel, with the prior approval of the member whose name is proposed. If there are no alternate Central Committee shall be taken by a show of hands, in case of alternate proposal all committees including the Central Committee shall be elected by secret ballot.

Article – 41: The number of delegates to the plenums at various levels along with the basis for the selection of delegates shall be decided by the respective committees.

CHAPTER-9 : RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CENTRAL COMMITTEE

Article – 42: The Central Committee will be elected by the party congress. In between the two party congresses the Central Committee is the highest leading body of the party. The Central Committee represents the whole party and can take crucial decisions with full authority on behalf of the party. The Central Committee shall meet at least once in a year.

Article – 43: a) Central Committee may form Politburo, Central Military Commission, regional bureaus and various sub-committees for smooth functioning of the party. The PB is of the same level and enjoys the same rights as the CC. However, it has special duties and responsibilities which it will fulfill on behalf of the CC in between two CC meetings.

Article – 44: The Central Committee can take step and remove any Central Committee member for gross breach of discipline, serious anti party activities and heinous factional activities. The punished member has the right to appeal before the congress. Till the matter is not decided or settled, Central Committee’s decision will remain standing. If 2/3 of the Central Committee members agree, they can take decision to oust any member of the Central Committee

Article – 45: The Central Committee can co-opt any member in the Central Committee if any post remains vacant or for the need of the movement. Whenever it is necessary the Central Committee can co-opt members not exceeding one fourth of its existing strength, if 2/3 of its members agree. But it is to be ratified in the next congress. Co-option should be made from among alternative members, if there are no alternate members, then CC can co-opt from others.

Article – 46: The CCS will decide the date and time of the Central Committee meeting and will provide the agenda of the meeting beforehand. If 1/3 members of the Central Committee demand a meeting of the Central Committee the secretary will have to call the meeting.

Article – 47: The Central Committee or Politburo holds the right to send its any member or members to check-up the work of any unit or any area. The Central Committee has the right to disband any committee and thereby form any organizing committee at any level.

Article – 48: If necessary the Central Committee can convene special conferences and plenums in between two congresses. The Central Committee will decide the other members of the different committees who will attend this plenum other than the CCMs.

CHAPTER-10 : INTERNAL DEBATES IN THE PARTY

Article – 49: It is very essential to go through deep discussions to unify the whole party ideologically, politically and organizationally and to improve our methods. This is also democratic right of party members. At different levels of party, we should strive to resolve the questions related with the tactics by openhearted and unbridled debates in respective committees. When needed, help and advice of higher committees shall be taken. In the name of democratic rights of party members, endless debates on a particular issue will only harm the party functioning. So, any type of controversial debate or discussion can be permissible only after the consent of the 2/3 members of the concerned committees.

Article – 50: In case any member or committee has different views about the basic a line of the party and it demands its circulation in the party, central committee has the right to take final decisions whether to accept or reject this demand.

Article – 51: If any central committee member has different views, in regard with all India or International questions and he/she demands to take this idea in the whole party, In that case the above said views will be sent to state/regional committees or to any level according to the 1/3rd members of the central committee. But state/regional committee member cannot send his/her different views to the lower level committees without the permission from the central committee.

Article – 52: If any lower level committee or committee member has different views on the political and organizational line of the central committee, than they can send their views to the central committee according to the party committee functioning. If needed central committee can send these views along with its opinion in the whole party.

Article – 53: All the democratic debates in the party under the control of central committee or under its direction shall be sent to special area, state/regional and zonal committees or to all the levels of party.

CHAPTER-11: PARTY FUNCTIONING IN THE PEOPLE’S ARMY

Article – 54: The people’s army is the chief instrument of the party. Hence the party will use this instrument in rousing, mobilizing, organizing and arming the people in carrying out the task of the revolution.

It will participate in social production also. Only through the Protracted People’s War, with people’s army as the highest weapon the Party will carry out the task of seizure of political power by overthrowing the present reactionary state power represents the interests of imperialism, feudalism and comprador big bourgeois and thereby establishing a new democratic state. It will protect the country, defend the victory of NDR, with the goal of socialism. Party will educate the army with the weapon of MLM.

Article – 55: The Party will exercise full control over the army from the very beginning. Because the party decides the overall political strategy and tactics of revolution hence it also decides the functioning and forms of party organizations in the army by keeping the level of development of the Protracted People’s War before it. Central Military Commission constituted by the Central Committee will conduct the military affairs according to the military line of the party as well as the policies, directives and decisions of the Central Committee. In this light the Military Commissions and Commands will be constituted at various levels to conduct the military operations. Being the leader and organizer of the People’s Army the party ranks at various level will play a leading and front-ranking role in all the affairs of the army.

Article – 56: This People’s Army will be constituted of three forces that is the main force, the secondary force and the base force.

Article – 57: In our guerrilla army all the formations from platoon, company and above level will have party committees. The party branch will be constituted with party members. Various squads will have party cells and party branches. Where needed, a party committee will be constituted at that level. Party members and ranks will also remain in the militia and play the leading and front-ranking role there.

Article – 58: All members of military formations will function under the leadership of the respective party committees. The decisions of these party committees will be carried out and implemented by the respective military formations. Party members in PLGA will be invited to the party conference/plenums according to their respective level. In general, the party committees in the military formations at and above platoon level will be elected in conferences held at that level.

CHAPTER-12 :

Article – 59: The party fractions shall be formed in the executive committees of mass organizations. Party fractions will guide the executive committees of the mass organizations adopting suitable method in accordance with the correct concrete situation. Fraction committees will function secretly. The opinions of party committee/ member guiding the fraction shall be considered as final opinion. If fraction committee members have any difference of opinion, they will send their opinions in writing to the concerned party committee/higher committee. The concerned party committees shall guide fraction committees of different mass organizations at their own level.

CHAPTER-13 : PARTY FUNDS

Article – 60: The party funds shall be obtained through the membership fees, levies, donations, taxes and penalties.

Article – 61: The levy to be paid by party members shall be decided and collected in their respective state committees.

Posted in CPI (Maoist) | Leave a Comment »

CPI Maoist Press Release about Karnataka SHRC’s reactionary stand on Menasina hadya encounter.

Posted by Indian Vanguard on November 4, 2007

Source: Email

Dear friends,

Press release about Karnataka SHRC’s reactionary stand on Menasina hadya encounter is posted.

Download Press Release

Posted in CPI (Maoist), Karnataka | Leave a Comment »

 
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